Where words and numbers begin
Everything That Grows
The Oldest Language
How a scratch on a bone became a question about whether we invent the world, or discover it.
Tap any bracketed number to read its source without leaving the sentence; tap again, or anywhere, to dismiss.
Karl Meves · published by Errerlabs · 2026
© 2026 Karl Meves. All rights reserved.
Foreword
This is a book about the two oldest things we made that we still use every day: words and numbers. It argues that they are not two stories but one.
I am not a mathematician, and I am not a linguist. I am someone who could never stop asking where our ideas come from — how a sound in the air or a mark on a page comes to mean anything at all, and how, out of that ordinary magic, we built a language so exact that it can prove a thing true for all time and predict a planet no one has yet seen.
That language is mathematics, and its history is braided with the history of writing itself. They began, as far as we can tell, in the same place, in the same wet clay, for the same dull and beautiful reason: somebody needed to remember how many. The first thing human beings ever wrote down was not a poem or a prayer. It was a receipt.
I have tried to be honest on every page. The history of mathematics is thick with good stories, and a surprising number of them are only that — stories, polished smooth by retelling. Where the legend has outrun the evidence, I have said so, because the habit of asking but how do we actually know? is not a detour from the subject. It is the subject.
We will start with a single scratch on a piece of bone and end somewhere near the machine you are reading this on. The thread that runs the whole way is this: a mark can carry a meaning, and if you choose your marks with enough care, the meanings can be made to follow one another by necessity — to be not merely useful, but true.
A mark, and the meaning it was made to hold.
Karl Meves
The First Mark
Where counting, writing, and proof began — and what it means to read a sentence that must be true
I. The mark and the meaning§
Begin with something you could hold in your palm. Somewhere in the deep past, tens of thousands of years ago, a person took a sharp edge and cut a line into a piece of bone. Then another beside it. Then more. We do not know the person, or the place, or for certain what the lines were for. But we know what the lines were, and it is one of the most consequential inventions in the history of our species: a mark that stands for something that is not itself.
A scratch is not a sheep. Five scratches are not five sheep. And yet, by an agreement so old we cannot find its beginning, five scratches can mean five sheep — can hold that fact when the sheep are out of sight, carry it through the night, hand it to someone who was not there. The marks do something the world cannot do for itself. The world has sheep in it; it does not have the number five lying around anywhere. We had to make that.
Hold on to the gap this opens, because the whole book lives inside it. On one side is the expression: the mark, the scratch, the spoken word, the symbol on the page — the physical thing you can point to. On the other is the idea: what the mark is about, the meaning it was made to hold. The five scratches are an expression. “Five” — the bare quantity, owing nothing to sheep or scratches — is the idea. Language is the art of stretching expressions across that gap to catch ideas. Mathematics is the same art, practiced with such care that the ideas, once caught, can be made to behave.
That is the question this chapter follows from the bone to the present day: how did marks learn not just to mean, but to mean things that must be so?
II. Two sheep, and then just two§
Before anyone wrote a number, people kept track of quantities with their bodies and their surroundings. They counted on fingers, then ran out and pressed on — up the arm, across the shoulders, down the other side — in body-counting systems that survived into modern times in parts of New Guinea, where a number could be a place on your skin.1 They cut tallies into wood and bone. The oldest tally we can point to with confidence, the Ishango bone from central Africa, is roughly twenty thousand years old and carries neat grouped notches along its length.2
You will often read that the Ishango bone records prime numbers, or a lunar calendar, or the mathematics of menstruation. Set those claims gently aside. The notches are real and the grouping is real; everything past that is interpretation laid over a pattern, and the pattern is not nearly specific enough to bear the weight. It is a beautiful object and an honest piece of evidence for one thing: that people were keeping counts, in marks, a very long time ago. We should let it say that and no more.
The deepest move in all of this is so familiar that it is hard to see how strange it is. A shepherd can check a flock without counting at all, by keeping a pebble in a bag for each animal and matching them home one for one — pebble to sheep, pebble to sheep — and knowing, if a pebble is left over, that an animal is lost. This is correspondence, and it needs no numbers. The leap comes when the pebbles and the sheep both fall away and what remains is two: a thing in its own right, the same two whether it counts sheep or pebbles or days or sons. To pull “two” loose from every particular pair of things is the first and greatest abstraction, and we make our children repeat it so early that we forget it was ever a discovery. A word does the same trick: sheep is a handle that fits every sheep and no sheep in particular. Number and language are, from the very first, the same kind of magic — the detaching of a meaning from the things it came from.
III. The clay that learned to count§
For the next chapter of the story we go to Mesopotamia, the land between the rivers, because there the two threads — writing and number — are not merely related. They are, at the start, the same object.
For thousands of years before there was any writing at all, the people of the ancient Near East kept accounts with small clay tokens: a cone for a small measure of grain, a sphere for a larger one, other shapes for jars of oil, for sheep, for cloth.3 To record a debt or a delivery, you gathered the right tokens. To keep them safe and honest, you sealed them inside a hollow clay ball, a bulla — but now no one could see how many tokens were inside without breaking it open. So someone began pressing each token into the soft outside of the ball before sealing it, leaving a picture of the contents on the surface. And then came the realization that ended one age and began another: if the marks on the outside already told you what was inside, you did not need the tokens at all. You could keep the marks and throw away the things.
Those marks, pressed and then drawn into flattened tablets of clay, are the beginning of writing. This is the thesis of the archaeologist Denise Schmandt-Besserat, built from tens of thousands of excavated tokens, and while specialists argue over its edges it has reframed how we understand the birth of both literacy and arithmetic.3 The first texts are not stories. They are inventories — so many measures of barley, so many head of cattle — and in them the count and the name of the thing counted sit side by side, written for the first time. Writing was invented to do accounting. Number and word were born twins, in clay, keeping track of grain.
From those tablets grew cuneiform, the wedge-script pressed with a cut reed, and with it a way of writing numbers that counted not in tens but in sixties. We have inherited that base-sixty bookkeeping without ever deciding to: it is why an hour breaks into sixty minutes and a minute into sixty seconds, and why we still carve a circle into three hundred and sixty degrees. A choice made by accountants on the Euphrates four thousand years ago is sitting on your wrist.
IV. What the scribes already knew§
By about 1800 BCE the scribes of Babylon were doing real mathematics, and they were better at it than we tend to imagine. They had something we lacked in Europe until astonishingly late: true place value, where the position of a digit sets its size, so that the same handful of symbols could write any number, small or vast. With it they solved quadratic problems, computed compound interest, and approximated the square root of two to an accuracy that would embarrass most adults today.
The most famous survivor of this culture is a broken tablet called Plimpton 322, fifteen tidy rows of numbers in four columns, written around the eighteenth century BCE.4 Each row corresponds to a Pythagorean triple — three whole numbers, like 3, 4, 5, for which the squares of the two smaller equal the square of the largest, a² + b² = c² — and some of the triples are far too large to have been stumbled on by guesswork, which means the scribes had a method for generating them. They were working with the relationship we call the Pythagorean theorem more than a thousand years before Pythagoras was born.4
What the tablet was for is genuinely disputed, and it is worth pausing on the dispute, because it is a small model of how history is actually done. When Otto Neugebauer and Abraham Sachs first published it in 1945 they showed it was mathematical, not a mere ledger.4 In 2017 two mathematicians argued it was a sophisticated trigonometric table, the oldest in the world.5 Other scholars, who actually read the language and know the school texts, find that reading romantic and think it was most likely a teacher's tool for generating exercises.6 The honest position is that the numbers are certain and the purpose is not. We can know exactly what is written and still not know why.
Egypt has its own monument, the Rhind papyrus, copied by a scribe named Ahmes around 1550 BCE from a still older source: eighty-some worked problems on areas, volumes, and the sharing out of bread and beer, all built on an idiosyncratic system of unit fractions.7 Hold these two traditions together and a striking fact emerges. For thousands of years, across the most advanced civilizations on Earth, mathematics was a collection of recipes that worked. Nobody wrote down a reason. Nobody asked whether a result was true in every possible case or only in the cases they had tried. They asked, sensibly, practically: what is the answer? The question that would transform everything — not what is the answer but why must it be so — had not yet been asked.
V. The turn from works to must§
Somewhere in the Greek world, in the centuries around 500 BCE, somebody asked it. This, and not any particular result, is the revolution. The Babylonians knew that a² + b² = c² held for the triangles they tried. The new idea was to prove it — to show, by reasoning alone, that it must hold for every right triangle that ever was or could be, including the infinitely many no one will ever draw. The shift is from confidence to certainty, from a rule that has always worked to a conclusion that cannot fail.
Tradition hangs this turn on two names, and both deserve a careful eye. Thales of Miletus is credited with the first geometric proofs and with predicting a solar eclipse, though the eclipse story rests on thin and late evidence and is probably too good to be true. Pythagoras is the larger problem. The theorem carries his name, but as we have seen it predates him by a millennium, and there is no reliable evidence that he proved it — or proved anything. Almost everything later writers say about him was set down centuries after his death, by followers with an interest in making their founder a god.8 The famous tale that one of his disciples, Hippasus, discovered that the square root of two cannot be written as a ratio of whole numbers — and was drowned at sea for the heresy — is a wonderful story and, on the evidence, just that: a story. It is worth saying plainly, because the legend is repeated everywhere as fact, and the difference between everyone says so and we can show it is the very thing this chapter is about.
What is not legend is the method itself, and around 300 BCE it found its monument. A figure we call Euclid, working in Alexandria, gathered the geometry of his age into a single work, the Elements, and arranged it so that everything followed from a short list of definitions and a handful of plain assumptions — that any two points can be joined by a straight line, and so on.9 From those seeds, by deduction alone, he grew hundreds of theorems, each one earned, each one resting only on what came before. It became the most printed and most studied textbook in human history, and it taught the West what a proof is. Of Euclid the man we know essentially nothing — not when he was born, not where, and there is a real chance that “Euclid” names a tradition or a school rather than a single person. The book outlived every fact about its author, which is, when you think about it, exactly the kind of immortality mathematics offers.
Here is the sharpest answer this book can give to the question what is mathematics? It is the one kind of knowledge that is proven rather than observed. A scientist's law is the best account of what we have seen so far, always one stubborn experiment away from revision. A theorem, once proved from its assumptions, is true with a finality nothing else in human thought can match. Grant the starting points, and the conclusion cannot be otherwise. That is a strange and powerful kind of truth, and the Greeks were the first to insist on it.
VI. How to read it§
Now for a fact that surprises almost everyone, because it cuts against what we think mathematics even looks like. For most of its history, mathematics was written in words. There were no equals signs, no plus signs, no x for the unknown. A problem we would now write in a single tidy line — a few symbols, read left to right — was set down as a paragraph of prose: the thing and its half and its third, added together, make ten; what is the thing? This is called rhetorical algebra, and it was how the work was done from Babylon through the Greeks and well into the Middle Ages. The Greek Diophantus, around 250 CE, took a few halting steps toward shorthand, abbreviating the most common words, and it helped — but the modern page, the one that looks like mathematics, was still more than a thousand years away.10
The symbols we mistake for the subject itself were invented one at a time, recently, by people whose names we know. The plus and minus signs first appear in print in a German commercial-arithmetic book by Johannes Widmann in 1489, where they began life as warehouse marks for surplus and deficit.11 The equals sign was invented in 1557 by a Welsh doctor and mathematician, Robert Recorde, who was tired of writing the words is equal to over and over; he chose a pair of parallel lines of the same length, he explained, because no two things can be more equal.12 It is a small joke and a small masterpiece, and it took another sixty years to catch on. Letters for quantities came from François Viète at the close of the sixteenth century, and the convention we still teach — letters from the end of the alphabet for the unknowns, from the start for the knowns, and a small raised number for a power — was fixed by René Descartes in 1637.13
To read mathematics, then, is to read a language — one with a grammar that has to be learned and was assembled over centuries. The symbols run in order; the operators bind the terms around them; a raised two means multiplied by itself; an equals sign is a claim that the two sides name the same thing, a balance you are forbidden to tip. And the reason the language was built at all is that it pays. A good symbol is compressed thought: it takes an idea that would sprawl across a paragraph and folds it into something the eye can take in at a glance and the hand can rearrange on the page. The equation a² + b² = c² holds, in eight characters, what Babylon could only gesture at in tables and the Greeks could only argue in prose. Notation is not decoration laid over mathematics. Past a certain point it is the difference between being able to think a thought and not.
One more strand had to arrive before that page was possible, and it came from outside Europe. The idea of solving for an unknown by systematically restoring and balancing the two sides of an equation was set out around 820 CE in Baghdad by Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi, in a book whose title gives us the word algebra — from al-jabr, the “restoring” — and whose author's name, worn down through Latin, gives us the word algorithm.14 He wrote, of course, in words. He also helped carry westward a numeral system from India whose secret weapon was a symbol for nothing: zero, given its rules as a number in its own right by Brahmagupta in 628 CE.15 If you have ever tried to multiply in Roman numerals you have felt, in your own hands, why this mattered; place value needs a placeholder, and zero is it. The numerals reached Europe slowly — Leonardo of Pisa, called Fibonacci, championed them in 1202 — and took centuries more to win out over the abacus and the counting board.16 The page you now read mathematics on is an inheritance from Sumer and Greece and India and the Islamic world, assembled by many hands across four thousand years. No one invented it. Everyone did.
VII. All paths to now, and what it is for§
With a real notation in hand, the pace of the story changes from a walk to a sprint, and the later chapters of this book will slow down inside it. For now, the shape of the sprint. In 1637 Descartes welded the two ancient halves of mathematics together by laying a grid over the plane, so that every point became a pair of numbers and every curve became an equation — geometry and algebra revealed as one subject seen from two sides.13 (The charming tale that he conceived the idea while watching a fly walk across his ceiling is, you will not be surprised to hear, unsupported.) A generation later, working separately and later feuding bitterly over the credit, Isaac Newton and Gottfried Leibniz built the calculus — a language for change itself, for motion and growth and the slope of a curve at a single instant — and with it the modern science of the physical world became possible.17 In the eighteenth century Leonhard Euler wrote so much, and so clearly, that much of the notation in your textbooks is simply his handwriting made permanent: the e at the base of natural growth, the i for the square root of minus one, the f(x) for a function, the everyday use of π.18
Then, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, mathematics did something genuinely new: it turned its tools on itself. Georg Cantor showed that infinity comes in different sizes, that some infinities are strictly larger than others, and very nearly lost his peace of mind proving it.19 David Hilbert, in 1900, dreamed aloud of placing all of mathematics on a foundation that was complete and provably free of contradiction.20 In 1931 a young logician named Kurt Gödel proved that the dream was impossible: any system rich enough to do ordinary arithmetic must contain true statements it can never prove.21 And in 1936, chasing a related question about what can in principle be calculated, Alan Turing defined the idea of a computing machine — and in doing so drew the blueprint for the device you are reading this on.22 The line runs unbroken from a notch on a bone to the screen in your hand.
Which is as good a place as any to answer the plainest question of all: what is mathematics for? Four things, mainly. It predicts — the same equations that describe a falling apple put a probe in orbit around a planet and route a signal through the chip in your phone. It compresses — a single law stands in for a thousand particular cases, so that you need not remember every fact, only the rule that generates them. It certifies — through proof, it offers a kind of truth that does not decay. And it computes — it is the bedrock on which the entire machinery of the modern world is built. We made it to remember how many. It turned out to be the most powerful instrument our species has ever held.
VIII. The oldest language, reconsidered§
Return, at the end, to the clay. We invented these marks. People invented them, in particular places, for particular and usually unglamorous reasons — to count grain, to settle a debt, to teach a class. The symbols are ours, the grammar is ours, the proofs are written in human hands. And yet the truths they catch do not feel invented at all. They feel found. The same numbers a Babylonian scribe pressed into a tablet to balance a temple's accounts turn up, unbidden, in the orbit of a planet and the structure of an atom.
The physicist Eugene Wigner gave this its lasting name: the unreasonable effectiveness of mathematics in the natural sciences — the standing miracle that a language we built for our own small purposes should fit the universe so well, and keep fitting it in places we never designed it to reach.23 It raises a question as old as Plato and still wide open: do we invent mathematics, the way we invent a game with its rules, or do we discover it, the way we discover a continent that was there all along? Serious people line up honestly on both sides, and I am not going to pretend, here on the first page of the journey, to settle what they have not. We will keep the question open, and let the chapters to come pull on it from every direction.
What is not in doubt is the thread we have followed: from a scratch on a bone to a tally, from a tally to a token, from a token to a written number, from a written number to a proof that cannot be otherwise, and from there to the machine that is rendering these words. It is one continuous story, and it is the same story as the story of writing, because they began as the same act — a person choosing a mark to carry a meaning across a gap that the world, left to itself, could not bridge. That is what we are going to follow. The door, as I said, is not locked. Come and read past where you are comfortable, and watch a few scratches on a bone become a language in which the universe seems, improbably, to be written.
Sources
- G. Ifrah, The Universal History of Numbers: From Prehistory to the Invention of the Computer (Wiley, 2000) — finger- and body-counting systems, including the New Guinea highland tallies, and the ethnography of counting before writing. [secondary] ↩
- J. de Heinzelin, “Ishango,” Scientific American 206 (June 1962): 105–116 — the original report of the Ishango bone (c. 20,000 BP) and its grouped notches; later prime-number and lunar-calendar readings are widely repeated but not supported by the evidence. [secondary] ↩
- D. Schmandt-Besserat, Before Writing, Vol. I: From Counting to Cuneiform (University of Texas Press, 1992) — the clay-token accounting system, the sealed bullae, and the thesis that impressed token-marks were the origin of cuneiform writing and of written number alike. [primary scholarship] ↩
- O. Neugebauer and A. Sachs, Mathematical Cuneiform Texts (American Oriental Society, 1945) — the first demonstration that Plimpton 322 (Old Babylonian, c. 1800 BCE, from Larsa) is a mathematical table whose rows encode Pythagorean triples, evidence that Mesopotamian scribes used the “Pythagorean” rule over a millennium before Pythagoras. [primary tablet and analysis] ↩
- D. F. Mansfield and N. J. Wildberger, “Plimpton 322 is Babylonian exact sexagesimal trigonometry,” Historia Mathematica 44 (2017): 395–419 — the (contested) argument that the tablet is the world's oldest trigonometric table. [secondary] ↩
- E. Robson, “Words and pictures: New light on Plimpton 322,” American Mathematical Monthly 109 (2002): 105–120 — a reading grounded in the language and the school-text context, arguing the tablet was most plausibly a teacher's device for setting problems, and a caution against anachronistic interpretations. [secondary — the skeptical reading] ↩
- G. Robins and C. Shute, The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus: An Ancient Egyptian Text (British Museum Press, 1987) — the papyrus copied by the scribe Ahmes (c. 1550 BCE), its worked problems, and the Egyptian unit-fraction system. [primary] ↩
- W. Burkert, Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism (Harvard University Press, 1972) — the foundational critical study showing how little about Pythagoras is historically reliable and how much was attributed to him by later followers; the basis for treating the theorem-attribution and the Hippasus legend as unverified. [secondary] ↩
- Euclid, Elements (c. 300 BCE); T. L. Heath (trans.), The Thirteen Books of Euclid's Elements (Cambridge University Press, 1908) — the axiomatic-deductive method: definitions and postulates from which the theorems are proved. [primary] ↩
- Diophantus of Alexandria, Arithmetica (c. 250 CE) — the move from fully rhetorical mathematics toward abbreviated (“syncopated”) notation, an early step on the long road to symbolic algebra. [primary] ↩
- J. Widmann, Behende und hübsche Rechenung auff allen Kauffmanschafft (Leipzig, 1489) — the first appearance in print of the “+” and “−” signs, used initially to mark surplus and deficit in commercial arithmetic. [primary] ↩
- R. Recorde, The Whetstone of Witte (London, 1557) — the first recorded use of the equals sign, two parallel “Gemowe” (twin) lines, chosen, in his words, because no two things can be more equal; also the first English book to use the + and − signs. [primary] ↩
- R. Descartes, La Géométrie (1637, appendix to the Discours de la méthode) — the coordinate method uniting algebra and geometry, and the notational conventions still in use (letters near the end of the alphabet for unknowns, exponents for powers). [primary] ↩
- Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi, al-Kitáb al-mukhtaṣar fí ḥisáb al-jabr wa-l-muqábala (c. 820 CE) — the systematic method of solving equations by “restoring” (al-jabr) and balancing, source of the word algebra; the Latinized form of his name is the source of algorithm. [primary] ↩
- Brahmagupta, Bráhmasphuṭasiddhánta (628 CE) — the earliest known systematic rules for arithmetic with zero and with negative numbers, treating zero as a number rather than a mere placeholder. [primary] ↩
- Leonardo of Pisa (Fibonacci), Liber Abaci (1202) — the influential argument for the Hindu-Arabic numerals and place-value computation in Europe, decades and ultimately centuries before they displaced the abacus and Roman numerals. [primary] ↩
- I. Newton, Philosophiæ Naturalis Principia Mathematica (1687); and G. W. Leibniz, “Nova methodus pro maximis et minimis,” Acta Eruditorum (1684) — the independent creation of the calculus, and the origin of the long priority dispute between the two. [primary] ↩
- L. Euler, Introductio in analysin infinitorum (1748) — a landmark in mathematical notation, fixing or popularizing much of the symbolism (the constant e, i for √−1, the function notation f(x), and the common use of π) still standard today. [primary] ↩
- G. Cantor, “Über eine elementare Frage der Mannigfaltigkeitslehre,” Jahresbericht der Deutschen Mathematiker-Vereinigung 1 (1891): 75–78 — the diagonal argument and the proof that infinite sets come in different sizes (some infinities strictly larger than others). [primary] ↩
- D. Hilbert, “Mathematische Probleme,” address to the International Congress of Mathematicians, Paris (1900) — the program of securing mathematics on a complete and consistent foundation. [primary] ↩
- K. Gödel, “Über formal unentscheidbare Sätze der Principia Mathematica und verwandter Systeme I,” Monatshefte für Mathematik und Physik 38 (1931): 173–198 — the incompleteness theorems: any consistent formal system adequate for arithmetic contains true statements it cannot prove. [primary] ↩
- A. M. Turing, “On Computable Numbers, with an Application to the Entscheidungsproblem,” Proceedings of the London Mathematical Society 42 (1936): 230–265 — the definition of the abstract computing machine, founding the theory of computation. [primary] ↩
- E. P. Wigner, “The Unreasonable Effectiveness of Mathematics in the Natural Sciences,” Communications on Pure and Applied Mathematics 13 (1960): 1–14 — the essay naming the puzzle of why mathematics fits the physical world so well. [primary] ↩
The Language of Everything
What a language is, what mathematics is, and the oldest grand claim about it — that the universe is written in it
I. A certainty about places we'll never go§
There is a triangle you will never see, on a world circling a star whose light set out before you were born. You cannot visit it. No instrument we have or will ever build will resolve it. And yet you know something about it, right now, with a confidence you would not extend to almost anything in your own kitchen: if its three corners are joined by straight lines on a flat surface, the squares built on its two shorter sides add up, exactly, to the square built on its longest. You would bet your life on it. You would bet the lives of everyone you love on it, sight unseen, about a place you can never go.
That is a strange thing to be able to do, and we do it so casually that we have stopped noticing the strangeness. Almost everything else we know about the world, we know because we looked. The coffee is hot because we burned a finger; the bridge holds because it has not fallen yet; the medicine works because we tried it on enough people. That kind of knowledge is hard-won and forever provisional, always one stubborn fact away from being overturned. But the thing about the triangle is not like that. We did not check every triangle — we could not, there are infinitely many and most will never be drawn. We are certain anyway.
Notice how unusual that is by trying it anywhere else. If a stranger told you they were certain what a creature on that distant world looked like, or what its weather was doing this morning, you would — rightly — raise an eyebrow; no one can know such a thing without going to look. But let them tell you that a flat, three-sided figure there has corner angles that add up to a straight line, 180 degrees, no more and no less, and you do not blink, because you know it too, and you know that they know it, and that any thinking being anywhere would be dragged to the same answer. Somehow a fact about a place none of us will ever reach is steadier than almost anything we could say about the room we are sitting in. That is the puzzle worth chasing.
Where does a certainty like that come from, and what exactly is the thing we are being certain about? Those are the two doors this chapter opens, and behind them, it turns out, are larger rooms than anyone walking past would guess. To reach them we have to slow down on two words we use every day and rarely examine — language and mathematics — because the grandest claim ever made about the second is that it simply is the first: that the universe itself is written in it. Before we can weigh a claim like that, we had better know what each of those words means.
II. What a language is for§
A language, stripped to the bone, is three things: a set of signs, a set of rules for combining them, and — the part that does the magic — a way for the combinations to mean, to reach past themselves and land on something else. Marks on a page, sounds in the air, shapes of the hand: the signs are arbitrary, and everyone knows it. There is nothing doglike about the word dog. The bond between the sign and the thing is a shared agreement and nothing more, and that is precisely what lets it work — because if a sound can mean whatever we collectively decide it means, then it can mean that, the animal at your feet, and carry the thought of it to someone across the room, or across a century.
Pause on that, because we will lean on it for the rest of the book. A meaningless little noise, or a few strokes of ink, can take hold of a piece of the world — a creature, a quantity, an idea — and carry it intact to a mind that has never met it. That is the whole trick of every language, the ordinary miracle the last chapter watched us stumble into with a scratch on a bone. From here on, the only thing that will separate one language from another is how tightly the marks can be made to hold their meaning, and what we are able to do with them once they do.
Our everyday languages are glorious, and they are a mess, and the mess is the point. “I saw her duck” can be a story about a bird or about a near miss with a low beam, and English will not tell you which; it trusts you to know from the room you are standing in. Words drift — nice once meant foolish, awful once meant full of awe. One word can carry a dozen meanings and one meaning can be reached by a dozen words, and a whole sentence can be true and false at once depending on who is winking. We could call this failure. It is not. Natural language is built for the entire untidy business of being human — for love and persuasion and comfort and jokes and lies — and for that work its looseness is not a flaw but the very tool of the trade. A language with no give in it could not hold a poem.
But suppose you wanted the opposite. Suppose you wanted a language whose whole purpose was to have no give — in which a statement meant one thing and only one thing, and the rules for combining signs were so tight that, once you had agreed on a handful of them, the rest were no longer up to you. Suppose you wanted to be able to say something and have its consequences forced, so that anyone who accepted the beginning was dragged, whether they liked it or not, to the same end. That language exists. We have been building it for four thousand years, and the door into it is the second word.
III. The language built to leave no room for doubt§
Ask a roomful of mathematicians what mathematics is and you will start an argument, which should tell you something. It is not, despite the school timetable, “the study of numbers” — that leaves out the whole of geometry, which is about shape, and logic, which is about reasoning, and a dozen other provinces that touch no number at all. The best short answer anyone has is broader and stranger: mathematics is the study of pattern and structure1 — of what holds, and what follows from what. It is less a subject than a way of being completely careful.
And it has one feature that sets it apart from everything else we do with our minds, the feature responsible for our impossible certainty about the unseen triangle. In mathematics, once you have agreed where to start, the conclusions are not up for a vote. They are forced. This is worth feeling rather than being told, so here is a room you can step into yourself; it takes a minute, and it asks for no mathematics you do not already have.
Are there only finitely many prime numbers — the numbers, like 2, 3, 5, 7, 11, divisible by nothing but themselves and one — or do they run on forever? Suppose, for the sake of argument, that they stopped. Then there would be a complete list of them: a last and largest prime, with all the others below it. Now take that entire list and multiply every number on it together, and then add one. Call the result N. This N is plainly larger than every prime on your list. But try to divide N by any prime on the list, and you always get a remainder of one — that was the whole point of adding it. So no prime on the list divides N evenly. Which means either N is itself a new prime, or it has a prime factor that was never on the list. Either way, a prime escaped your “complete” catalogue. The catalogue could not have been complete. No catalogue can be. The primes go on forever.
If that felt like a sleight of hand, pin it down with real numbers, where it becomes genuinely charming. Pretend the only primes are 2 and 3. Multiply them and add one: 2 × 3 + 1 = 7 — a brand-new prime, caught in the act. Try a longer list, say 2, 3, 5, 7, 11, 13. Their product is 30,030, so our N is 30,031. Is it prime this time? It is not: 30,031 = 59 × 509. But look at those two factors — 59 and 509 are themselves primes, and neither was anywhere on the list. So the recipe does not always hand you a new prime directly; sometimes it hands you a number stitched together from new primes you had overlooked. Either way, the escape is real and the list stands exposed as incomplete. That is the quiet brilliance of the argument: it never needs to know which prime it missed, only to force the admission that one got away.
Read that twice, and notice what happened to you. You did not go and check the large primes — nobody has checked them all and nobody ever will. You ran no experiment and consulted no authority. You followed a short chain of if this, then that, and at the end you were not merely persuaded that the primes are endless — you could see that they had to be, that a universe in which they stopped is not a universe with unfamiliar physics but a flat contradiction, an impossibility on the order of a square circle. That argument was first written down by Euclid around 300 BCE,2 and it is exactly as true and exactly as binding now as it was then. It does not age, because it never rested on anything that could change.
This is what mathematics buys that no other language can: not belief but necessity. A fact about the world — the cat is on the mat, the universe is expanding — is contingent; it merely happens to be so, could have been otherwise, and you learn which by looking. A theorem is necessary; it could not have been otherwise, in this world or any other, and you learn it by proving. That is not a difference of degree, a theorem being better-established than a fact. It is a difference in kind. One is a report on how things happen to be; the other is a constraint on how things could be.
But necessity comes at a price, and the price is the hinge of everything that follows. Mathematics can be this certain only because it is, in a sense, about nothing in particular. The proof above does not tell you that primes are scattered through the world the way rivers are; it tells you that if you accept what a whole number is, then the primes are endless. Every mathematical truth carries that hidden “if” in front of it — grant the starting points, and the rest is forced. Which raises, very quietly, the question this whole book is built around, and which we will pointedly not settle here: those starting points, those agreements about what a number or a point or a line is — did we choose them, the way we chose that dog would mean the animal? Or did we find them, already true and waiting? Hold on to that. We are about to watch it grow teeth.
IV. Three doors off one hall§
Before we open the big door, a quick look down the hall, because a map will help. For all its sprawl, mathematics grew mainly toward three kinds of thing — three sorts of object it learned to be careful about — and nearly everything in this book is a visit to one of them, or a passage between them.
The first is quantity: number, the answer to how many and how much. It is where we began, with the shepherd's pebbles, and it is the most familiar room — though the last chapter already hinted that it has hidden floors, that “number” would come to include nothing, and less than nothing, and quantities no ratio can capture, and even quantities that square to a negative. The second is shape: space and form, the answer to what does it look like and how is it put together — Euclid's province, and the one that will startle us most, when we find that space itself can bend, and that a coffee cup and a doughnut are, to the trained eye, the same thing. The third, and the youngest, is relation: pure structure, the answer to how do things connect, with no stuff required at all — the mathematics of networks and symmetries and the bare scaffolding of connection itself.
These are not sealed chambers. The most powerful ideas in the subject are the corridors between them — the moment Descartes turned every shape into an equation and let algebra do geometry's work; the moment topologists learned to count the holes in a surface, turning shape back into number. Keep the three in mind as we go: quantity, shape, relation. They are the doors the rest of this book walks through. For now, though, there is a far larger claim to face — one that says all three are not our handiwork at all, but the very alphabet the world is spelled in.
V. The labyrinth and the book§
In 1623, in a combative little book called The Assayer, Galileo wrote the sentence everyone since has either quoted or quarreled with. The universe, he said, is a great book held open before us, but we cannot read it until we learn the language and the characters in which it is written — and that language is mathematics, its characters triangles and circles and other figures, without which a human being understands not a single word, and wanders in vain through a dark labyrinth.3
It is a thrilling line, and Galileo had earned the right to it; he had just spent years showing that the fall of a weight and the arc of a cannonball and the swing of a pendulum all obeyed clean mathematical rules nobody had thought to look for. But a thrilling line is exactly the kind of thing to slow down on, because “the universe is written in mathematics” can mean at least three rather different things, and almost everyone who repeats it slides between them without noticing.
In its mildest form, the claim is only that mathematics is an extraordinarily good tool for describing nature — that if you want to predict an eclipse or raise a bridge, mathematical description succeeds where vaguer language fails. Almost no one disputes this; it is the plain testimony of every science. In a stronger form, the claim is that nature is not merely describable by mathematics but is, at bottom, mathematical — that when you dig past the appearances to what is really there, what you find has the character of structure and number, and mathematics is the language reality is genuinely written in, not just the one we happen to describe it with. And in its strongest form, pushed to the edge by a handful of modern physicists, the claim erases the distinction altogether: the universe does not run on mathematics or obey it, but simply is a mathematical structure, no more and no less, and we are self-aware patterns living inside it.4
It can help to hear the three as three different things one might say about a map and the land it shows. The mild claim is that a good map describes the territory wonderfully — useful, accurate, indispensable, and plainly not the same thing as the hills themselves. The strong claim is that the territory really does have, woven into its rock, the structure the map draws — that the contour lines are not just our convenient overlay but a faithful tracing of something genuinely there. And the wildest claim is that there is no rock beneath the contour lines at all: the territory simply is the map, structure all the way down, with nothing else for the structure to be made of. Most of us say the first and feel the third, and the whole of this chapter lives in the gap between them.
The trouble — and the reason for care — is that most people repeat the line meaning the first, mild thing while feeling the shiver of the third. And between the mild claim and the wild one sits a genuine mystery that neither slogan dissolves, a mystery you feel the instant you ask the obvious question: if mathematics is only a tool, a language we invented for our own convenience, why is it such an unreasonably, almost suspiciously good one?
VI. The planet found with a pen§
Here is the fact that turns the question from a philosopher's pastime into something that keeps careful physicists awake. Again and again, mathematics developed on paper — pushed around for reasons entirely internal to itself, with no eye on the world — has reached out and correctly described pieces of reality no one had ever observed. Not redescribed things we already knew in tidier symbols. Predicted things we had never seen, and turned out to be right.
Begin with the planet found with a pen. By the 1840s astronomers had a problem: Uranus would not keep to its predicted path, drifting from where Newton's law of gravity said it should be. A young Frenchman, Urbain Le Verrier, made an audacious wager — that the drift was caused by the pull of a further planet, unknown and unseen — and he ran the mathematics backward, from the size of the wandering to the position of the culprit. In 1846 he posted his prediction to an observatory in Berlin; the astronomer there turned the telescope to the spot the equations named, and there, within a degree, was Neptune.5 A world four times the size of Earth had been located not by sweeping the sky but by arithmetic — found on paper before it was ever found in light.
It was not a fluke. In 1928 the physicist Paul Dirac wrote down an equation for the electron, and the equation, rudely, had more solutions than he had asked for — states that behaved like a particle with the electron's mass but the opposite charge. He could have swept them aside as mathematical debris. Instead he trusted the symbols and proposed that such a particle must really exist; four years later, sifting cosmic rays, Carl Anderson found it.6 The mathematics had insisted on antimatter — an entire shadow-category of stuff the universe had neglected to mention — and the universe turned out to have it after all. The same refrain runs through modern physics: Maxwell's equations predicting radio waves decades before anyone sent one,7 and Einstein's equations predicting, in 1916, that violent events should send ripples through the fabric of spacetime — ripples so faint he doubted they could ever be measured, and which were finally caught in 2015, when instruments heard the tremor of two black holes that had collided more than a billion years before, the recorded shape matching the predicted one almost exactly.8
The physics inside those three stories — what antimatter is, what a gravitational wave actually does to space as it passes through you, why light and radio turn out to be the same thing wearing different hats — is the work of this book's companion, Everything That Glows, and if any of it tugs at you, go and read it there. What we are chasing here sits one step back from the physics, and is stranger than any single result: the bare fact that the marks did the predicting at all.
Sit with the strangeness of this. In each case a human being made marks on paper according to rules, following the internal logic of a language, and the marks knew something about the world that the human did not — pointed past the edge of all observation, and were vindicated. That is what Eugene Wigner meant in 1960 when he called the effectiveness of mathematics in the natural sciences unreasonable: a windfall, as he put it, that we have done nothing to earn and cannot fully explain.9 It is the single best reason to suspect that when we do mathematics we are not inventing at all, but discovering — reading characters that were on the page before we arrived. We promised not to settle that here. But you can see, now, why it is not a lazy question.
VII. The other side of the ledger§
Honesty requires the other side, and it is told less often, because it flatters the slogan less. Twenty years after Wigner, a mathematician named Richard Hamming — a man who had watched mathematics help win a war and build the first computers — took the puzzle seriously enough to push back on it, and his deflations are worth as much as the wonder.10
Start with what we choose to remember. We tell the story of Neptune; we do not tell the stories of the planets predicted that were never found, the elegant theories that fit nothing, the mathematics that promised a world and delivered a dead end. A discipline that keeps its triumphs and quietly composts its failures will always look uncanny in the highlight reel. Some of the effectiveness is a trick of the lighting — we are counting the hits and forgetting the misses.
Then there is where the mathematics came from to begin with. We did not draw arithmetic out of the pure aether; we abstracted it from the world — from pebbles and sheep and the edges of fields — and geometry from the measuring of land. If we built the tool by tracing the contours of reality, it is less astonishing that it fits reality back; we reverse-engineered it from the very thing it now describes. This reply has a famous weak spot, and we will not pretend it away: some of the mathematics that fit the world best was built long before anyone knew of the thing it would fit — curved geometry waiting sixty years for gravity, the imaginary numbers waiting centuries for the quantum. You cannot reverse-engineer a tool from a phenomenon you have never met. That puzzle gets a room of its own later in the book; for now, simply note that it stands.
And then there is the plain fact that mathematics is also, across great stretches, unreasonably ineffective. It is magnificent on the orbits of planets and the spectra of atoms and nearly helpless before a breaking wave, a living cell, a turbulent river, a crowd, a mind. The slogan remembers physics, where the fit is uncanny, and forgets biology and weather and economics, where it is patchy at best. Ask it for the exact path of a single leaf falling from a tree, or the weather more than a week or two out, or which way a frightened crowd will surge through a doorway, and it will mostly shrug. For that matter, of all the mathematics we have built, only the thinnest sliver describes anything physical at all; there are endlessly many perfectly consistent mathematical worlds, and the universe bothers with almost none of them. A language that can describe infinitely many universes, and is used by exactly one, is a curious thing to call the language of the universe.
So the ledger does not balance to a bumper sticker. The effectiveness is real, and astonishing, and partly a trick of memory, and partly the echo of a tool we cut from the world, and conspicuously missing across whole continents of experience. The wonder survives all of it — those pre-built keys that fit locks not yet discovered are not so easily explained away — but it is a smaller, harder, more honest wonder than the slogan, and it leaves us exactly where the chapter has been heading all along.
VIII. Whose language is it?§
We opened a door marked how can we be certain about a triangle we will never see, and walked through rooms we mostly never enter: what a language is, what makes mathematics unlike any other, the three kinds of thing it studies, the oldest grand claim about it, the eerie record of its predictions, and the honest discount on that record. And we arrive, as the best explorations do, not at an answer but at a sharper question — one with a door at the far end that we are going to leave, for now, shut.
Here is the fork, laid out plainly. Either the universe really is, at its root, mathematical — structured, patterned, lawful all the way down — and when we do mathematics we are slowly reading its grammar, uncovering an order that was here before us and would be here without us. Or mathematics is the most powerful instrument our minds have ever built for describing a world that is not itself made of mathematics, and its astonishing fit tells us as much about the describers — what our brains abstract, what our histories select, what our equations quietly borrow from the world — as it does about the described. The first story makes us readers. The second makes us writers. This whole book is, in a sense, an attempt to feel the full weight of both at once, and a refusal to pretend the weight has settled.
It is worth saying that the companion volume walks up to this same fork from the opposite shore. Everything That Glows makes the case that the physical world, dug into far enough, runs on information — that to store a fact or erase one costs something real, and that the universe keeps its accounts in bits. If that is right, the distance between “the world is described by mathematics” and “the world is made of something mathematics-like” narrows in a way that should make us lean forward in our chairs. But narrowing is not closing. Even a universe that runs on information leaves our question exactly where it stood: did we invent the language that fits it so uncannily, or find it? Two books, circling one mystery from opposite banks of the same river.
Because it is the same fork we glimpsed at the end of the prime-number proof — the hidden “if” in front of every theorem, the question of whether we chose the starting points or found them — and it is the fork we will meet again every time mathematics swallows a new and impossible-seeming idea: a number for nothing, a number less than nothing, a number that squares to minus one, a space that curves, an infinity larger than another infinity. Each time, we will get to ask the same thing: did we simply make this up, and the world obliged — or did we open a door and find the room already furnished, already lit, waiting for us?
That, in the end, is the adventure the rest of these pages offer. Not a set of answers to be carried home, but a long walk through a house far larger than it looks from the street — opening doors we were told not to bother with, and standing in rooms, some plainly built by human hands and some unnervingly older than us, trying in each one to tell which is which. The marks are ours; the last chapter watched us make them. Whether the truths they catch are ours as well is the question we will carry, unanswered and alive, through every door ahead.
Sources
- K. Devlin, Mathematics: The Science of Patterns (Scientific American Library, 1994) — the now-standard characterization of mathematics as the study of pattern and structure rather than of number alone; see also Courant & Robbins, What Is Mathematics? (1941) for the classic survey of the question. [secondary] ↩
- Euclid, Elements, Book IX, Proposition 20 (c. 300 BCE); T. L. Heath (trans.), The Thirteen Books of Euclid's Elements (Cambridge University Press, 1908) — the proof that the primes are infinite. The argument given here is the standard modern rendering. [primary] ↩
- Galileo Galilei, Il Saggiatore (The Assayer), Rome, 1623 — the passage describing the universe as a book written in the language of mathematics, whose characters are geometric figures, without which one wanders in a dark labyrinth. [primary] ↩
- M. Tegmark, “The Mathematical Universe,” Foundations of Physics 38 (2008): 101–150; expanded in Our Mathematical Universe (Knopf, 2014) — the strongest form of the claim, that physical reality is a mathematical structure; included here as the position at the far edge, not as the book's view. [secondary] ↩
- U. J. J. Le Verrier, prediction of the position of an unknown planet from the perturbations of Uranus, Comptes Rendus de l'Académie des Sciences (1846); confirmed by J. G. Galle and H. d'Arrest at the Berlin Observatory, 23 September 1846, within about one degree of the predicted position. [primary] ↩
- P. A. M. Dirac, “The Quantum Theory of the Electron,” Proceedings of the Royal Society A 117 (1928): 610–624 (the equation whose extra solutions implied antimatter); C. D. Anderson, “The Positive Electron,” Physical Review 43 (1933): 491–494 (the discovery of the positron). [primary] ↩
- J. C. Maxwell, “A Dynamical Theory of the Electromagnetic Field,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 155 (1865): 459–512 (predicting electromagnetic waves travelling at the speed of light); confirmed experimentally by H. Hertz (1887–88). [primary] ↩
- A. Einstein, “Näherungsweise Integration der Feldgleichungen der Gravitation” (1916), predicting gravitational waves; B. P. Abbott et al. (LIGO Scientific Collaboration and Virgo Collaboration), “Observation of Gravitational Waves from a Binary Black Hole Merger,” Physical Review Letters 116 (2016): 061102 (the detection, GW150914). [primary] ↩
- E. P. Wigner, “The Unreasonable Effectiveness of Mathematics in the Natural Sciences,” Communications on Pure and Applied Mathematics 13 (1960): 1–14 — the essay naming the puzzle and calling the fit a gift we neither understand nor deserve. [primary] ↩
- R. W. Hamming, “The Unreasonable Effectiveness of Mathematics,” American Mathematical Monthly 87 (1980): 81–90 — a working mathematician's reply to Wigner, offering the selection-effect, the abstracted-from-the-world, and the “mathematics is also often ineffective” considerations. [primary] ↩
The Other Book
The book that taught the world to reason — and the single line in it that, two thousand years later, cracked open and remade our picture of space and truth
I. The book that outlasted everything§
There is a book that served as a school textbook for longer than any other in the history of the world — not the Bible, which is a different kind of book entirely, but its strange and silent companion on the shelf of Western civilization. For more than two thousand years, from the lecture halls of ancient Alexandria to the grammar schools of the nineteenth century, if you were educated at all then at some point you sat down with Euclid. By one common estimate it stands second only to the Bible in the number of editions printed since the press was invented, well over a thousand of them — and unlike the Bible it asks you to believe nothing at all.1 It asks you only to follow.
We know the book intimately and its author almost not at all. Someone we call Euclid compiled the Elements in Alexandria around 300 BCE, and that sentence holds very nearly everything history can tell you about him with any confidence — not when he was born or when he died, not what he looked like, not whom he loved. The last chapter's companion volume, and the chapter before this one, kept warning that the history of mathematics is thick with stories polished smooth by retelling; here is the opposite problem, a book so towering that legends rushed in to fill the empty space where the man should be. What survives is the work, and the work needs no biography, because it was built to stand entirely on its own.
What is it? Thirteen books — “book” being the old word for what we would call a chapter — containing 465 propositions, each one a claim about points and lines and circles and numbers, and each one proved.2 Not asserted, not illustrated, not merely supported by examples. Proved, in the strong sense the last chapter described: shown to follow by necessity from what came before, so that to accept the beginning is to be dragged to the end. The Elements is the oldest surviving attempt to build a great body of knowledge that way — not as a heap of facts to be memorized, but as a single chain of reasoning, every link forged from the link before it. And for two thousand years it was the thing every educated person had read, the shared furniture of the Western mind, until sometime in the twentieth century it quietly slipped out of the schoolroom and into the museum.
That is the book this chapter is about. But more than the book, it is about a single sentence inside it — one awkward line that Euclid himself seems to have been wary of, that the finest minds of twenty centuries tried and failed to remove, and that, when it finally cracked open, did not so much break the book as break the world wide open behind it.
II. The machine§
How do you build knowledge that cannot be doubted? Euclid's answer is so familiar now, so deep in the water we swim in, that it takes real effort to see how radical it was. You begin by being completely honest about your starting points.
The Elements opens not with a theorem but with a confession of everything it is about to assume. First come twenty-three definitions — what a point is (that which has no part), what a line is, what a circle is — pinning the words down so they cannot wobble later. Then five postulates, the geometric assumptions granted without proof. The first four are so modest you can barely feel yourself agreeing to them: that you can draw a straight line between any two points; that you can extend a line as far as you like; that you can draw a circle with any center and radius; that all right angles are equal.2 Then five “common notions,” the bare logical bedrock — things equal to the same thing are equal to each other; the whole is greater than the part. And that is the entire foundation. From those few grants, and nothing else, Euclid sets out to derive the whole of plane and solid geometry.
Watch him take the first step, because it is small enough to hold in your hand and it shows the whole method in miniature. Proposition 1 of Book I asks for something concrete: on a given straight line, build an equilateral triangle, one with three equal sides. Euclid's move is quietly lovely. Take the segment. Draw a circle centered on one end and passing through the other; then a second circle, centered on the other end and passing back through the first. The two circles cross. From that crossing point, draw a line to each end of the original segment. Now look at what you have: each new line is a radius of one of the circles, and so is the original segment, and all radii of a circle are equal — so all three sides are equal, and the triangle is equilateral.3 Done, and proved, every step leaning on a definition or a postulate already granted. You can feel the gears mesh.
And yet — here is the first whisper of the theme that will run this whole chapter — even this, the very first proposition, hides a flaw that stayed invisible for more than two thousand years. How do we know the two circles actually cross? It looks obvious; you can see them crossing in the figure. But “you can see it in the figure” is exactly the kind of thing Euclid spent the entire book trying to do without. Nothing in his five postulates actually guarantees that two circles which ought to meet do share a point — that the plane holds no invisible gap precisely where the crossing should be. Euclid assumed it without noticing, because it was too obvious to notice, and the hole went unrepaired until David Hilbert rebuilt the foundations of geometry from the ground up in 1899, supplying the axioms of continuity that Euclid's eyes had quietly supplied for him.4 The most rigorous book ever written leaked from its first page. Hold on to that. It is about to become the whole story.
III. The dream it gave us§
Set the flaw aside for a moment and feel what Euclid had done, because the thrill of it shaped the next two thousand years. He had found a way to compel agreement. Not to persuade, not to argue, not to out-shout — to compel. Grant the handful of obvious starting points and you cannot escape the conclusions; the certainty about the unseen triangle that the last chapter marveled at is here turned into a method, a machine you can crank. For the first time, human beings had a model of knowledge that rested not on authority or revelation or the say-so of the powerful, but only on reason, available to anyone willing to walk the steps.
The dream was intoxicating, and it leaked out of geometry into everything. When Isaac Newton set down the laws of motion and gravity in 1687, he wrote the Principia not as we would write a physics paper but as Euclid would have written it — definitions, axioms, then proposition after proposition proved in geometric style, the system of the world raised like a cathedral on stated foundations. When Spinoza wanted to settle the deepest questions of God and the good life in 1677, he wrote a book literally titled Ethics, Demonstrated in Geometrical Order — definitions, axioms, propositions, each one stamped with its Q.E.D., as though morality itself could be proved like a theorem. When Thomas Jefferson reached for words to found a nation in 1776, he did not write “we strongly feel” or “in our opinion”; he wrote that certain truths are self-evident — borrowing the exact posture of the axiom, the thing so plain it needs no proof and from which the rest follows by necessity. And a self-taught lawyer named Abraham Lincoln, stung in court by his own shaky grip on what it meant to demonstrate something, carried a copy of the Elements in his saddlebags and worked through its proofs by lamplight until he understood, at last, what it was to establish a thing beyond any doubt.5
This is the dream the last chapter named — a language built to leave no room for doubt — realized in a single volume and held up as the model for all serious thought. For most of Western history, to reason well meant to reason like Euclid. The book did not merely teach geometry. It taught the West what an argument is.
But the dream had a worm in it, and the worm was the fifth postulate.
IV. The fifth thing§
Go back to those five geometric assumptions. Read the first four again and notice how they feel: short, plain, the kind of thing you grant before you have finished reading them. Draw a line between two points. Extend it. Draw a circle. All right angles are equal. Each is a single breath.
Now the fifth. In Euclid's own words it runs to a small paragraph, and it says, roughly this: if a straight line crossing two others makes the interior angles on one side add up to less than two right angles, then those two lines, extended far enough on that side, must eventually meet.6 Read it twice and feel the difference. It is long. It is fiddly. It speaks of what happens when lines are produced indefinitely, out past the edge of any diagram, off where you cannot follow them with your eye. It does not land in a single breath; it has to be parsed. There is a cleaner way to say the same thing, discovered much later and now usually taught in its place: given a line, and a point not on it, there is exactly one line through that point that never meets the first — exactly one parallel.7 But “exactly one, forever, no matter how far you go” is still a claim about the infinite, and the infinite is precisely where certainty starts to sweat.
Euclid himself seems to have felt it. The tell is in how he handles the thing. He proves his first twenty-eight propositions without ever once calling on the fifth postulate — holding it at arm's length, wringing everything he can from the other four alone, and reaching for the fifth only at Proposition 29, when at last he cannot proceed without it.8 It has the air of a tool he did not quite trust, kept in the bottom drawer until the job absolutely demanded it. And for the next two thousand years, very nearly everyone who read the Elements had the same instinct, hardened into conviction: a postulate is supposed to be self-evident, and this one plainly is not, so it cannot really be a postulate at all. It must be a theorem in disguise — something provable from the other four, if only one were clever enough to find the proof. Removing that single ugly assumption, demoting it from granted to proved, became one of the longest-running obsessions in the history of thought.
V. Two thousand years of trying§
The roll call of those who tried to prove the fifth postulate is very nearly a roll call of the history of mathematics itself. In antiquity the commentator Proclus reported on attempts already old in his own day, and added one of his own.9 Through the long golden age of Islamic mathematics, while much of Europe had forgotten Greek geometry altogether, the problem was kept alive and pressed hard: Ibn al-Haytham worked on it; the Persian poet and mathematician Omar Khayyám attacked it in a book whose title translates as a discussion of the difficulties in Euclid; Nasir al-Din al-Tusi carried the assault further still, and his work, printed in Rome centuries afterward, fed directly back into the European effort.10 When the question returned in force to Europe, John Wallis took it up at Oxford — and then, in 1733, a Jesuit priest named Girolamo Saccheri published the strangest and most poignant chapter in the whole long saga.11
Saccheri's book carried a triumphant title — Euclid Freed of Every Flaw — and a clever plan. He would prove the fifth postulate by the back door: assume it is false, and show that the assumption leads to a contradiction, an absurdity, a square circle. If denying the postulate breaks mathematics, then the postulate must be true, and Euclid is vindicated. So he assumed it false and began, carefully, to work out the consequences. And the consequences were strange — triangles whose angles add up to less than two right angles, a world where the familiar rules quietly bend — but they were not contradictory. He proved one peculiar result after another, building, link by careful link, a complete and consistent geometry in which Euclid's fifth postulate simply does not hold.
He had it. He was the first human being to walk the whole way into a non-Euclidean world and look around — and he could not see where he was. He was so certain the fifth postulate had to be true, so sure the door he had opened could lead only to a contradiction, that when no contradiction came, he manufactured one: he declared a certain result repugnant to the nature of the straight line, called that repugnance his contradiction, announced that Euclid stood vindicated, and shut the book. The most extraordinary thing in his work is not the mathematics, which ran a century and a half ahead of its time. It is the moment a man stands inside an undiscovered universe and turns back at the threshold, because the map he was carrying told him the universe could not be there.
VI. The unthinkable, thought§
It took until the early nineteenth century for someone to do the one thing Saccheri could not: to look at the strange new geometry and, instead of recoiling, ask — what if this is not a contradiction at all? What if it is simply another geometry, as consistent and as sound as Euclid's, and we have been wrong for two thousand years to imagine there could only ever be one?
Three people arrived at that thought independently, at almost the same moment, which is itself a sign that the idea's time had come. The first told almost no one. Carl Friedrich Gauss — the man his contemporaries called the prince of mathematicians — had worked it out privately and sat on it for some thirty years, and he sat on it out of fear. Not fear of being wrong, but fear of the uproar: he wrote to a friend that he dreaded the outcry of the Boeotians, his pet name for the dull and the conventional, if he were ever to say in public that Euclidean geometry is not the necessary truth everyone took it for.12 The depth of the heresy is easy to underrate now. The philosopher Kant had recently enthroned Euclidean space as a built-in structure of the human mind, a thing known for certain in advance of all experience; to claim there were other geometries, equally consistent, was to pull the floor out from under that certainty. Gauss saw it plainly — as early as 1817 he wrote that geometry ought not to be ranked alongside arithmetic, which is true a priori, but alongside mechanics, something we can only learn about by going and looking at the world — and he kept it to himself.13
The second man published, and published first, and earned far too little for it in his lifetime: Nikolai Lobachevsky, working far from the centers of European mathematics at the University of Kazan, laid out a complete non-Euclidean geometry in print in 1829.14 The third is the one whose story breaks your heart. János Bolyai was a young Hungarian army officer whose father, Farkas, was himself a mathematician and an old friend of Gauss — and who had wasted years of his own life battering against the very same fifth postulate. When Farkas saw his son being drawn toward the same problem, he wrote to beg him off it, in words that read like a man warning his child away from a cliff he had nearly gone over himself: leave the science of parallels alone, he wrote; fear it like a sensual passion; it will take your health, your peace, the joy of your life.15 János did not listen. He worked it through — that the fifth postulate can be denied, and that a whole consistent geometry stands waiting on the far side of the denial — and in 1823, in a letter to his father, unable to contain himself, he set down a line that belongs on the short list of the most thrilling sentences any mathematician ever wrote: out of nothing I have created a strange new universe. He published it in 1832, a mere twenty-four pages, as an appendix to a textbook of his father's.16
And then the cruelty. Farkas, proud, sent the appendix to Gauss. Gauss wrote back that the work was fine — but that he could not praise it, because to praise it would be to praise myself; he had reached the same results, he said, years earlier. It was true, and for the young man it was devastating. He had crossed into a new world and planted his flag, only to be told the prince of mathematicians had stood on the same ground, in silence, decades before. Bolyai published almost nothing again. But it did not finally matter who had stepped into the room first. The point was that the room existed. There was more than one geometry. The two-thousand-year-old certainty was simply gone.
VII. Whose geometry is the world's?§
Now feel the size of what had happened, because it is far larger than a technical result about parallel lines. For the whole of recorded history, “the truths of geometry” and “the truths about space” had been the same thing. Euclid's theorems were not regarded as one possible description of space; they were regarded as the description, the way space necessarily is, knowable by pure thought from your armchair. That is exactly what the discovery of non-Euclidean geometry destroyed. If there are several geometries, each one flawlessly consistent, each as logically sound as Euclid's, then mathematics alone cannot tell you which of them describes the actual space you are standing in. Logic has gone as far as it can go and fallen silent. The only way left to learn which geometry the real world obeys is to go out and measure it.
Geometry, in other words, had split into two things everyone had always taken to be one: the mathematical question of what follows from a given set of axioms, which is settled by proof and is certain, and the physical question of which set of axioms the universe actually runs on, which is settled by measurement and is not certain at all. This is the fork of the last chapter made concrete and made sharp. The consistent geometries are structures we build — and we can build as many of them as we please, by choosing our axioms freely. But which structure the world is written in is not ours to choose; it is ours only to find. The building is invention. The fit is discovery. And the two had finally been pried apart, with the seam left showing for anyone to see.
There is a wonderful story that Gauss, who after all spent years running the painstaking land survey of the Kingdom of Hanover, set his instruments on three mountain peaks — the Brocken, the Hohehagen, the Inselsberg — and measured the angles of the enormous triangle between them, to test whether the angles of a real triangle drawn across real space would add to a hundred and eighty degrees or betray some curvature in the world itself. It is a beautiful story, and it is almost certainly not true. Historians who have gone back to the records find that the survey was just what it appeared to be, a survey, done for mapping; and Gauss, as fine an astronomer as he was a mathematician, knew perfectly well that any curvature faint enough to have escaped notice on Earth would be hopelessly too small to catch between three German mountains — that if space were bent enough to measure that way, the heavens would have given it away long before.17 But the legend survives, the way the best legends do, because it captures something true even though the event never happened: after Euclid was dethroned, the shape of space had become, for the very first time, a thing one could imagine walking outside to check. The question had moved from the armchair toward the laboratory.
It would take another century to get the answer, and it is not the answer Euclid would have guessed. In 1854 a young mathematician named Bernhard Riemann, asked to deliver a lecture to secure his place at the university, stood up and generalized the whole business so far past Bolyai and Lobachevsky that his audience could barely follow — describing spaces of any curvature and any number of dimensions, the full landscape of geometries of which Euclid's flat plane is only the simplest special case.18 He had no idea what it was for. Sixty years later Albert Einstein would pick up Riemann's mathematics, lying ready and waiting on the shelf, and discover that it was for our universe — that space and time really are curved, bent by the presence of mass and energy, and that the fifth postulate genuinely fails in the neighborhood of a star, exactly as Bolyai's geometry had said it could.19 We will walk the whole way into that room in a later chapter. For now it is enough to know that the awkward fifth postulate was never a flaw to be removed after all. It was a fork in the road, and our universe took the other branch.
VIII. The most useful crack in history§
So here is what the other book turned out to be. For two thousand years the Elements was held up as the very emblem of certain, finished, unarguable knowledge — the one place where human beings had reached truths that could never be revised, built so soundly that to doubt them was simply to misunderstand them. And the most important thing that ever happened to it was the discovery that one of its own foundation stones was not a certainty at all, but a choice.
That discovery did not diminish Euclid; it deepened him. The fifth postulate was never the weak link the provers took it for — it was the load-bearing one, the single assumption that decides whether space is flat, and Euclid's quiet genius was to have seen that it had to be assumed rather than proved, even when he could not have said why. Twenty centuries of brilliant people were certain he had simply slipped, that the awkward postulate was a theorem waiting to be cracked, and they poured their effort into trying to nail the door shut. It turned out to be a door. Behind it were universes — a flat one and a saddle-shaped one and a spherical one and, past Riemann, infinitely many more, each a perfectly lawful world — with the question of which one we actually live in handed over, at last, to measurement.
This is the thread the rest of the book will follow into stranger and stranger rooms. Mathematics gives us certainty, but it is always a conditional certainty — true given the axioms, true inside the rules of the game we chose to play — and the dream of an unconditional certainty, of truths about the world wrung from pure thought with no need ever to go and look, is the one thing it cannot give us, however much Euclid seemed to promise it. What we got instead is better, because it is honest: a way to build flawless worlds out of stated assumptions, and the humility to know that discovering which world is ours is a different kind of work entirely.
It began, as everything in this book begins, with a mark made carefully enough to compel what came after — and it arrives at the discovery that even the most careful marks carry a choice inside them, and that the universe gets the deciding vote. The other book taught us to prove. The one thing in it that could not be proved taught us something its author never dreamed: that the language we had built to leave no room for doubt had room, all along, for more than one world — and that the door we kept trying to lock was the way through.
Sources
- On the longevity and reach of the Elements: it has been called the most successful and influential textbook ever written and is commonly estimated to be second only to the Bible in the number of editions published since the first printing in 1482, the figure reaching well over a thousand. See C. B. Boyer and U. C. Merzbach, A History of Mathematics (Wiley, 3rd ed., 2011); the “second only to the Bible” figure is an estimate, not an exact count. [secondary] ↩
- Euclid, Elements (c. 300 BCE); T. L. Heath (trans.), The Thirteen Books of Euclid's Elements, 3 vols. (Cambridge University Press, 1908) — the work comprises thirteen books and 465 propositions, built from twenty-three definitions, five postulates, and five common notions; the first four postulates are stated in Book I. [primary] ↩
- Euclid, Elements, Book I, Proposition 1 (the construction of an equilateral triangle on a given segment by intersecting circles); Heath, vol. 1. [primary] ↩
- D. Hilbert, Grundlagen der Geometrie (Leipzig: Teubner, 1899; English: The Foundations of Geometry) — the modern re-axiomatization of Euclidean geometry, supplying the axioms of order and continuity (e.g. Pasch's axiom, the circle-circle intersection property) that Euclid had used tacitly, including in Book I, Proposition 1. [primary] ↩
- On the Elements as the model for deductive exposition far beyond geometry: I. Newton, Philosophiæ Naturalis Principia Mathematica (1687), written in geometric, proposition-and-proof style; B. Spinoza, Ethica, Ordine Geometrico Demonstrata (Ethics, 1677), with definitions, axioms, and propositions; the United States Declaration of Independence (1776), “We hold these truths to be self-evident”; and, on Lincoln's study of Euclid to learn the meaning of demonstration, see C. Sandburg, Abraham Lincoln: The Prairie Years (1926), and Lincoln's own account in his 1860 campaign autobiography. [primary / secondary] ↩
- Euclid, Elements, Book I, Postulate 5 (the parallel postulate), in Heath's translation: that two straight lines cut by a transversal, making interior angles on one side summing to less than two right angles, meet on that side when produced. [primary] ↩
- The single-parallel form is Playfair's axiom, after John Playfair, Elements of Geometry (1795): through a given point not on a given line there passes exactly one line parallel to it. It is logically equivalent to Euclid's fifth postulate. [secondary] ↩
- That Euclid defers the parallel postulate as long as possible — the first twenty-eight propositions of Book I are proved without it, and it is first invoked at Proposition 29 — is noted in Heath's commentary, The Thirteen Books of Euclid's Elements, vol. 1. [primary / secondary] ↩
- Proclus, A Commentary on the First Book of Euclid's Elements (5th c. CE), trans. G. R. Morrow (Princeton University Press, 1970) — reports earlier attempts to derive the fifth postulate and offers Proclus's own. [primary] ↩
- On the medieval Islamic work on parallels — Ibn al-Haytham (Alhazen), Omar Khayyám's Risāla fī sharḥ mā ashkala min muṣādarāt Kitāb Uqlīdis (“Discussion of Difficulties in Euclid”), and Nasir al-Din al-Tusi — see B. A. Rosenfeld, A History of Non-Euclidean Geometry (Springer, 1988), and V. J. Katz, A History of Mathematics (Pearson, 3rd ed., 2009). Al-Tusi's recension of Euclid was printed in Rome in 1594 and was known to later European workers, including Saccheri. [secondary] ↩
- G. Saccheri, Euclides ab omni naevo vindicatus (“Euclid Freed of Every Flaw”), Milan, 1733 — an attempt to prove the parallel postulate by assuming its negation and seeking a contradiction; Saccheri derived numerous theorems of non-Euclidean geometry without reaching a genuine contradiction, then rejected one result as “repugnant to the nature of the straight line.” The work was rediscovered by Eugenio Beltrami some 150 years later; see also G. B. Halsted's 1920 English edition, Girolamo Saccheri's Euclides Vindicatus. [primary] ↩
- C. F. Gauss to F. W. Bessel, 27 January 1829, expressing his reluctance to publish on the foundations of geometry for fear of the “outcry of the Boeotians”; in Gauss, Werke, and discussed in J. J. Gray, Ideas of Space: Euclidean, Non-Euclidean, and Relativistic (Oxford University Press, 2nd ed., 1989). [primary / secondary] ↩
- C. F. Gauss to H. W. M. Olbers, 28 April 1817: that geometry should be classed not with arithmetic, which stands a priori, but with mechanics — i.e. that the truth of Euclidean geometry is an empirical question. In Gauss, Werke, vol. 8; quoted in Gray, Ideas of Space. [primary] ↩
- N. I. Lobachevsky, “On the Principles of Geometry,” Kazan Messenger (1829–30) — the first published account of a consistent non-Euclidean (hyperbolic) geometry; later summarized in his Geometrische Untersuchungen zur Theorie der Parallellinien (1840). [primary] ↩
- Farkas (Wolfgang) Bolyai's letter to his son János, urging him to abandon the problem of parallels (“you should fear it like a sensual passion; it will deprive you of health, leisure and peace”); quoted in the MacTutor History of Mathematics archive (University of St Andrews) and in Rosenfeld, A History of Non-Euclidean Geometry. [primary] ↩
- János Bolyai to Farkas Bolyai, 3 November 1823 (the “Temesvár letter”): “out of nothing I have created a strange new universe” (translations vary). His treatise appeared as the Appendix Scientiam Spatii Absolute Veram Exhibens (“Appendix Exhibiting the Absolutely True Science of Space”), c. 24 pages, in F. Bolyai's Tentamen (1832). On Gauss's reply that he could not praise the work without praising himself, see the MacTutor archive and Gray, Ideas of Space. [primary / secondary] ↩
- On the persistent legend that Gauss's geodetic triangle (Brocken–Hohehagen–Inselsberg, sides of roughly 69, 85, and 107 km) was an experiment to test the curvature of physical space: historians regard this as a myth. The Hanover survey was undertaken for mapping and to study the figure of the Earth, and Gauss was well aware that any cosmological curvature would be far too small to detect by such means. See A. I. Miller, “The myth of Gauss's experiment on the Euclidean nature of physical space,” Isis 63 (1972): 345–348, and Gray, Ideas of Space. [secondary] ↩
- B. Riemann, “Über die Hypothesen, welche der Geometrie zu Grunde liegen” (“On the Hypotheses Which Lie at the Foundations of Geometry”), habilitation lecture delivered at Göttingen in 1854, published posthumously in 1868 — the generalization to manifolds of arbitrary dimension and variable curvature. [primary] ↩
- A. Einstein, “Die Grundlage der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie” (“The Foundation of the General Theory of Relativity”), Annalen der Physik 49 (1916) — gravitation as the curvature of spacetime, built on Riemannian geometry; the geometry of space departs measurably from the Euclidean in the presence of mass. [primary] ↩
The Unknown Made Visible
How giving a name to the thing you do not know turned mathematics from a craft of clever answers into a machine for solving every problem of a kind at once
I. Naming what you cannot see§
Here is one of the strangest and most powerful ideas human beings have ever had, and it is so familiar from school that the strangeness has worn clean off it. You are faced with a problem. There is some quantity you want and do not know. Instead of hunting for it directly, you give it a name — call it x — and then you do something quietly audacious: you treat the thing you do not know as though you already had it. You write down everything you do know about x, handling it on the page exactly as if it were an ordinary number, and you push those statements around by fixed rules until, at the end, x stands alone on one side and its value — the thing you were after all along — sits revealed on the other.
Read that again and feel how backward it is. To find the unknown, you begin by assuming the unknown — writing it into your equations as a full participant, a number with no face, and operating on it as confidently as you would on 3 or 7. It is a little like searching a dark room by first agreeing to behave as though you can see. And it works, spectacularly; it underlies very nearly everything mathematics has done in the last thousand years. The last chapter left Euclid reasoning about this triangle, the particular one drawn in the sand in front of him. Algebra is the leap to reasoning about any number at all — named, gripped, manipulated, and only at the very end made to confess what it was. This chapter is about where that leap came from, and about the centuries it took us to invent the one thing that made it truly powerful: a way to write the unknown down.
II. Algebra in sentences§
It is easy to assume algebra has always looked the way it looks on a blackboard — a dense little weather of x's and exponents and equals signs. It has not. For most of its history, algebra had no symbols at all. It was done in prose, in full sentences, the way you might give directions to a stranger.
The Babylonians, whom we met in the first chapter pressing numbers into wet clay, were already solving what we would now call quadratic problems nearly four thousand years ago — but they solved them as recipes, step by spoken step: take half of this, square it, add that, find the side of the square. No x, no equation, no sign for equality; just a procedure to follow, like a cook's instructions.1 Historians call this rhetorical algebra — algebra written out in words — and for an astonishingly long time it was the only kind there was. The first real step toward symbols came around 250 CE, in Alexandria, from a shadowy figure named Diophantus, whose Arithmetica introduced abbreviations and a special mark for the unknown and its powers — a halfway house the historians call syncopated algebra, words with the vowels knocked out. He is often called the father of algebra, though, as we are about to see, that title is genuinely disputed and probably belongs to no one.2 The point to hold onto is the sheer span of it: for roughly fifteen centuries, to do algebra was to write paragraphs.
III. The completing and the balancing§
The word algebra itself, and the idea of the subject as a subject, come from one book written in Baghdad around the year 820, in the brilliant ferment of scholars and translators that later writers would call the House of Wisdom. Its author was Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi, and the book had a title that doubles as a description of the whole method: al-Kitab al-mukhtasar fi hisab al-jabr wa'l-muqabala — the compendious book on calculation by al-jabr and al-muqabala, by completion and balancing.3
Those two operations are the heart of it. Al-muqabala, balancing, is keeping the two sides of a problem equal as you work — the thing the equals sign now does silently for us. Al-jabr, completion or restoration, is the move of taking a quantity that has been subtracted on one side and restoring it as a positive quantity on the other — what a schoolchild now calls moving a term across the equals sign and flipping its sign. It was a vivid enough word that it carried a second life: al-jabr was also what a bonesetter did, restoring a broken limb, and in medieval Spain an algebrista could be either a mathematician or the man who set your dislocated shoulder. Worn down through Latin, al-jabr became our word algebra. And al-Khwarizmi's own name, dragged through the same Latinizing mill, came out the other end as algorithm — so that two of the most basic words in all of mathematics are both, in a sense, his.
What he actually did was make algebra a discipline: his was the first book to treat the solving of equations not as a bag of one-off tricks but as a general subject in its own right, laying out systematic methods for the linear and quadratic problems of his day. And here is the detail that ought to stop you, given everything on a modern blackboard: he did all of it in words, and he proved that his methods worked using geometry — completing the square quite literally, by cutting and fitting rectangles and squares until the figure was whole. There is not a single symbol in it. No x, no plus sign, no equation in any form we would recognize. The man whose method gave algebra its name wrote no equations at all.
It is worth seeing the move with your own eyes, because it is genuinely lovely and it explains the name. Take one of al-Khwarizmi's own problems: a square, plus ten of its roots, comes to thirty-nine — in our symbols x² + 10x = 39, though he would never have written it so. Picture the square literally: a square tile whose side is the unknown, so its area is x². Now for the ten roots: split the ten into two strips of five, and lay one along the right edge of the tile and one along the bottom, each a rectangle five wide and x long. You now have an L-shaped figure whose area is x² + 10x — which the problem says equals 39. And that figure is almost a larger square; the only thing missing to complete it is the little five-by-five corner where the two strips fail to meet. So complete it — add that corner, twenty-five in area. The figure is now a true square, of area 39 + 25 = 64, and a square of area 64 has a side of 8. But that side is just the original x plus one strip of five, so x + 5 = 8, and the unknown stands revealed: x = 3. That is completing the square — you make the unknown's figure literally whole, and the answer drops out of the geometry. Al-jabr, restoration, was not a metaphor.
So who, then, was the father of algebra — Diophantus, with his early symbol for the unknown, or al-Khwarizmi, with his discipline and his name for the thing? The honest answer is that the question is a trap. Algebra was not fathered; it was assembled, over more than a thousand years and across Babylon and Alexandria and Baghdad and Renaissance Europe, by many hands, and even its supposed founders wrote it in forms we would now struggle to read. What was still missing, from Diophantus and al-Khwarizmi alike, was the thing we now take for the essence of algebra — the symbols. That took another five hundred years, and a crowd of people who mostly thought they were just saving ink.
IV. The word made visible§
The signs + and − crept into print in a German commercial arithmetic in 1489, at first as warehouse marks for surplus and shortfall before they hardened into the operations we know.4 Then, in 1557, an Englishman named Robert Recorde, writing the first algebra textbook in the English language, grew tired of writing the words is equal to again and again, and drew instead a pair of short parallel line segments — because, he explained, no two things can be more equal than two parallel lines of the same length.5 The equals sign, that small horizon every equation balances on, was born of impatience and a quiet joke.
But the deepest leap was made by a French lawyer who did mathematics in his spare time. Before François Viète, letters — on the rare occasions anyone used them — stood only for the unknown, the thing being solved for. In his Introduction to the Analytic Art of 1591, Viète had the deceptively simple idea of using letters for the known quantities as well — for the numbers you had been handed in a problem but had not yet fixed to a value.6 It does not sound like much. It changed everything. With letters standing in for the givens, you could write down, for the first time, not a single problem but an entire kind of problem — a general shape, with the particular numbers left as blanks to be filled later. You could state a method once and have it hold for every instance at once. Algebra stopped being a way to chase down individual answers and became a way to reason about whole families of them.
Half a century later, René Descartes tidied the conventions into precisely the ones we still use without a second thought. In his La Géométrie of 1637 he reached for letters from the end of the alphabet — x, y, z — for the unknowns, and letters from the front — a, b, c — for the knowns, and he wrote powers as small raised numbers perched at a term's shoulder.7 The reason x is the unknown in every classroom on Earth, the reason a mystery in ordinary speech is an x-factor, traces back to a choice Descartes made on a page in the seventeenth century. When you write x² today, you are, quite literally, speaking Descartes.
V. Notation as thought§
It is tempting to file all of this under penmanship — a tidier way of writing down things you could have written in words if you had the patience. That would be a serious mistake, and seeing why is the whole point of the chapter. Good notation is not a transcript of thought. It is an instrument of thought. A well-chosen symbolism does part of your thinking for you.
Take the most over-familiar example in all of school mathematics. Once you can write any quadratic problem whatsoever in the single general form ax² + bx + c = 0, with letters holding the place of the unknown and the givens alike, you can manipulate that one expression by rule — the completing of the square that al-Khwarizmi did with cut paper, now done with symbols — and arrive, once and for all time, at the quadratic formula: a single expression that takes any quadratic ever to be written and hands back its solutions. You no longer solve quadratics. You solved them all, in one stroke, the day you derived the formula, and ever after you are merely reading off the answer. That is what symbols buy you. They let you stop working on the problem in front of you and start working on the shape of every such problem at once.
The philosopher and mathematician Alfred North Whitehead put the principle as well as anyone ever has: civilization advances, he wrote, by extending the number of important operations it can perform without thinking about them. Notation is precisely such an engine. Every time a piece of reasoning gets compressed into a symbol you can move by habit, your attention is freed from the steps and released toward the destination — toward the harder question waiting beyond. This is the written script of the language the second chapter described, the language in which the universe seemed to be written. And a script is never mere decoration on a language. It is the thing that lets the language carry thoughts too long, too intricate, too many-stepped to be held all at once inside a single human head.
VI. When the unknown became a thing§
Something subtle happens to the unknown once it has a steady name and a notation to live in: it quietly stops being a question and becomes an object. At first x is only “the number I am hunting” — a stand-in for an answer not yet found. But the moment you can add it, multiply it, raise it to powers, and fold it into larger expressions — x² + 1, or a whole long polynomial — those expressions become things in their own right, things you can study and factor and compare and transform, entirely without knowing or caring what number x might turn out to be. The unknown has been promoted: from the goal of the problem to a full citizen of the mathematics, a thing you build with rather than merely a thing you are trying to find.
And once you can take hold of the form of a problem rather than its particular numbers, a door swings open onto a room the Greeks, for all their genius with figures, never entered: the study of structure itself — of what operations and relationships do, of how they combine and what they obey, regardless of which numbers you happen to pour into them. Most of the rest of this book lives in that room. Giving the unknown a name did far more than help us answer the old questions faster. It handed us entirely new things to ask questions about.
VII. The door to the impossible§
The new power had its first great triumph in Renaissance Italy, and the triumph arrived holding a shock its discoverers did not want. The prize was the cubic equation — the next rung up from the quadratic, with an x³ in it. The Greeks had not been able to solve the general cubic; for two thousand years it had stood as a wall. In a few astonishing, quarrelsome decades of the sixteenth century, it fell.
The story is the first great soap opera of mathematics. Scipione del Ferro, a professor at Bologna, found a method for an important case of the cubic and, in the fashion of the day, told no one, hoarding it as a weapon for the public problem-duels by which mathematicians then defended their posts. Niccolò Tartaglia — “the stammerer,” a nickname from a childhood saber wound — worked out a solution independently and concealed it inside a cipher, a poem he could recite but no rival could read. Gerolamo Cardano, physician, gambler, and polymath, coaxed the method out of Tartaglia under a solemn oath never to publish it — and then, having later discovered that del Ferro had reached it first and so feeling the oath void, published it anyway, in his great treatise Ars Magna of 1545, together with the solution of the still harder quartic found by his own student Ludovico Ferrari.8 The broken oath, the accusations, the lifelong feud that followed between Cardano and Tartaglia: it is the first modern tale of a bitter priority dispute, and very far from the last.
But the real shock was inside the mathematics, not the personalities. Cardano's method for the cubic genuinely worked — and yet, in a whole class of perfectly ordinary problems, ones whose answers turned out to be plain, honest, real numbers, the formula refused to reach those answers except by passing straight through the square root of a negative number on the way. A quantity that could not exist — for no real number, multiplied by itself, gives something less than zero — sat there in the middle of the calculation like a stepping stone you had to put your weight on to cross a stream that was unquestionably real. Cardano ran into such impossibilities head-on in a simpler guise — asked to cut 10 into two parts whose product is 40, he was driven to the pair 5 plus and 5 minus the square root of negative fifteen — and he flinched, doing the arithmetic while dismissing the result as subtle to no purpose and mentally tortured nonsense.9
He was wrong that it was nonsense, and that wrongness is the door this chapter leaves deliberately ajar. The symbols had led somewhere their makers were afraid to go. A generation later, a Bolognese engineer named Rafael Bombelli steadied his nerve, wrote down plain rules for calculating with these impossible quantities exactly as if they were ordinary numbers, and made a startling discovery: they behaved perfectly. If you held your composure and carried the square root of a negative all the way through the cubic formula, the impossibilities cancelled each other at the end and left the true, real answer standing in the clear.10 The unknown made visible had revealed a second, stranger unknown hidden inside the numbers themselves — and mathematics, having built the very tools that turned it up, now had no honest way to refuse it. We will follow it into the open in the next chapter.
VIII. The unknown made visible§
So this is what algebra is, underneath the manipulations that may have made you miserable at fourteen: it is the art of making the unknown visible. You take the thing you do not know, the hole in the middle of the problem, and instead of circling it helplessly you give it a name, a symbol, a place to stand on the page — and the instant it has somewhere to stand, you can lay hands on it, move it, corner it, and at last make it give up its value. The Babylonians could do a version of this in words; al-Khwarizmi could do it with prose and cut paper. What the long, accidental, five-century invention of notation added was to turn that trick from a feat of individual cleverness into a dependable machine that anyone could be taught to run — and, in doing so, to turn mathematics itself from a collection of particular answers into the study of the forms that answers take.
It sharpens, one more time, the question this whole book is circling. The symbols are plainly inventions: Descartes could have reached for different letters, Recorde could have drawn some other mark for equality, and every sign on the page carries the fingerprints of the particular people and small accidents that happened to produce it. And yet what those invented symbols let us see — that every quadratic in existence bends to a single formula; that a number which cannot possibly exist can nonetheless be the truest and only road to an answer that plainly does — has the stubborn, unchosen, was-already-there feel of a thing merely uncovered, a thing that had been waiting, patient and complete, for a notation good enough to reveal it. We invented the writing. It is much less clear that we invented what the writing found.
We gave the unknown a name, and it answered us with more than we had asked for: not merely the number we were looking for, but a whole new kind of number we were not. That is the door we step through next.
Sources
- On Babylonian “rhetorical” solution of quadratic-type problems as step-by-step verbal procedures (c. 1800 BCE), see J. Høyrup, Lengths, Widths, Surfaces: A Portrait of Old Babylonian Algebra and Its Kin (Springer, 2002), and V. J. Katz, A History of Mathematics (Pearson, 3rd ed., 2009), ch. 1. [secondary] ↩
- Diophantus of Alexandria, Arithmetica (c. 250 CE), trans. and ed. T. L. Heath, Diophantus of Alexandria: A Study in the History of Greek Algebra (Cambridge University Press, 2nd ed., 1910) — the introduction of a symbol for the unknown and its powers, the so-called “syncopated” stage. On the disputed and probably unanswerable question of who deserves the title “father of algebra,” see C. B. Boyer and U. C. Merzbach, A History of Mathematics (Wiley, 3rd ed., 2011). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi, al-Kitab al-mukhtasar fi hisab al-jabr wa'l-muqabala (Baghdad, c. 820 CE); see F. Rosen (trans.), The Algebra of Mohammed ben Musa (London, 1831), and R. Rashed, Al-Khwarizmi: The Beginnings of Algebra (Saqi, 2009). The work treats linear and quadratic equations systematically and entirely rhetorically, with geometric (“completing the square”) demonstrations; the term al-jabr gives English “algebra,” and the Latinized form of the author's name, Algoritmi, gives “algorithm.” [primary / secondary] ↩
- The signs + and − appear in print in Johannes Widmann's Behende und hübsche Rechnung auf allen Kauffmanschafft (Leipzig, 1489), initially in a commercial context. The standard reference for the history of symbols is F. Cajori, A History of Mathematical Notations, 2 vols. (Open Court, 1928–29). [secondary] ↩
- Robert Recorde, The Whetstone of Witte (London, 1557) — the first use of the modern equals sign, which Recorde introduced with the explanation that no two things can be more equal than a pair of parallel lines of one length. See Cajori, A History of Mathematical Notations, vol. 1. [primary] ↩
- François Viète, In Artem Analyticem Isagoge (“Introduction to the Analytic Art,” Tours, 1591) — the systematic use of letters for both known and unknown quantities (Viète's logistica speciosa), which first made it possible to express general types of equations and general methods of solution. See J. Klein, Greek Mathematical Thought and the Origin of Algebra (MIT Press, 1968). [primary / secondary] ↩
- René Descartes, La Géométrie (appendix to the Discours de la méthode, Leiden, 1637) — the conventions of using x, y, z for unknowns and a, b, c for knowns, and of writing powers with raised numerical exponents, essentially as used today. See Cajori, A History of Mathematical Notations, vol. 1. [primary / secondary] ↩
- Gerolamo Cardano, Artis Magnae, sive de Regulis Algebraicis (“The Great Art,” Nuremberg, 1545), which published general solutions of the cubic and quartic equations; trans. T. R. Witmer, The Great Art, or the Rules of Algebra (MIT Press, 1968). On the del Ferro–Tartaglia–Cardano–Ferrari priority dispute, see Boyer and Merzbach, A History of Mathematics. [primary / secondary] ↩
- Cardano's encounter with square roots of negative numbers — the problem of dividing 10 into two parts with product 40, yielding 5 ± √(−15), which he performed while disparaging it as subtle and useless — appears in Ars Magna (1545), ch. 37. [primary] ↩
- Rafael Bombelli, L'Algebra (Bologna, 1572), which set out consistent rules for arithmetic with what we now call complex numbers and showed that carrying them through the cubic formula yields correct real solutions — the first coherent treatment of imaginary quantities. See Katz, A History of Mathematics, and Boyer and Merzbach, A History of Mathematics. [primary / secondary] ↩
The Widening of Number
How the meaning of the word number kept growing — each time over fierce protest, each time by surrendering a rule we had mistaken for a law of the universe
I. What counts as a number?§
The last chapter ended with a number that could not exist. The square root of negative one had turned up uninvited in the middle of Cardano's formula for the cubic and flatly refused to leave; Bombelli had shown that if you kept your nerve and calculated with it as though it were an ordinary number, it behaved itself, and even handed back true and ordinary answers. But what was it? No number on the familiar line — the line running from far out in the negatives, through zero, up through the positives — has a square that is negative. The thing was real enough to use and impossible to place.
This chapter is about what happened when mathematicians stopped asking whether such things were permitted and started asking what number would have to mean for them to fit. And the answer turns out to be a pattern, repeated over and over across three thousand years, so regular that once you have seen it you can hardly unsee it. The word number has never held still. It has been widening for the whole of human history — and every single time it widened, two things happened together. A kind of number that had been denounced as impossible, absurd, even faintly dangerous, was quietly let in at last; and in letting it in, we were forced to give up some comfortable belief about what a number is — a belief we had mistaken for a law of the universe when it was really only a description of the numbers we happened to have so far.
It is worth naming the beliefs in advance, because watching them fall, one by one, is the whole story of this chapter. That a number counts how many of something you have — gone, the moment zero became a number. That a number is a quantity of something present — gone, the moment the negatives were let in. That every number is a ratio of whole numbers — gone, on the diagonal of a square. That every number lives somewhere on the line — gone, when the impossible number found its home. And finally, last and strangest, that when you multiply two numbers the order cannot possibly matter — gone too, surrendered on purpose, on a canal towpath in Dublin, by a man who knew exactly what he was giving away.
II. Nothing, and less than nothing§
Begin with the one that seems too obvious to have a history: zero. It feels like it must always have been a number, and it was very nearly the last of the everyday numbers to be admitted as one. The difficulty is real and worth feeling. If numbers are for counting your sheep, then zero is the count of a thing that is not there — and what could be stranger than a quantity of nothing, a something that says there is nothing? Several civilizations invented a zero as a mere placeholder, a mark to show an empty column so that 205 could be told apart from 25, without ever treating it as a number you could compute with in its own right.
The decisive step was taken in India. In the year 628 the astronomer Brahmagupta wrote down, for the first time we know of, the actual arithmetic of zero and of the numbers below it — setting out, in the homely language of fortunes and debts, how to add and subtract and multiply with nothing and with less than nothing: a debt subtracted from nothing becomes a fortune, and so on.1 Even he could not entirely tame it; when he came to dividing by zero he stumbled, declaring that nothing divided by nothing is nothing, which is not right — a reminder, of the kind this book keeps meeting, that the people who first opened a door rarely saw all the way into the room. It would take a thousand years and Newton's calculus before dividing by something vanishingly close to zero was handled properly, and the honest plain truth that you simply cannot divide by zero at all was stated cleanly.
And the numbers below nothing had an even harder road than nothing itself. They reached Europe slowly — the whole Hindu–Arabic system of numerals, zero included, was carried across largely by Fibonacci's Liber Abaci of 1202, and met with centuries of suspicion; some Italian cities banned the new numerals outright as too easy to forge.2 The negatives fared worse still. For a very long time European mathematicians regarded them as not quite real — useful bookkeeping fictions at best, plain absurdities at worst. Even Descartes, writing in 1637, called the negative solutions of an equation its false roots, as against the true, positive ones.3 What finally made them respectable was not a proof that debts exist but the dawning recognition that a number need not be a count of things present at all — that it can just as well mark a direction, an opposite, a position relative to some chosen zero: paces east or west, degrees above or below freezing, money owed rather than held. Once a number was allowed to point the other way, the negatives were simply the other half of the line, and the first belief — that a number counts something you have — was quietly gone.
III. The numbers you cannot write as a fraction§
The next belief to fall was older, and the Greeks who broke it were horrified to have done so. We met the moment in the first chapter, in the legend of the Pythagorean who is said to have drowned for it. The Pythagoreans held that everything was number, and by number they meant whole numbers and their ratios — that any two lengths could be measured in common, that one was always so many of some shared unit and the other so many more. Then they turned their attention to the simplest figure imaginable, a square, and to the line across it from corner to corner, and proved — on their own beloved terms — that its diagonal is incommensurable with its side: there is no shared unit, however fine, that measures both, no ratio of whole numbers that gives the length of the diagonal of a unit square exactly. The number we now write as the square root of two simply is not any fraction at all.4
This broke the Pythagorean creed at its root, and the Greek response is telling: rather than widen their idea of number to include such things, they walked away from number and took refuge in geometry, treating these unruly lengths as magnitudes — honest geometric quantities, lines you could draw — but not quite numbers you could name. For more than two thousand years that fence held. The irrational lengths were real enough to build with and somehow not full citizens of arithmetic. Only in the nineteenth century did mathematicians at last go back and build the whole continuous number line on a rigorous foundation, with the work of Richard Dedekind and others showing precisely how to define a number like the square root of two purely in terms of the whole numbers, by the cut it makes among the fractions — the rationals below it and those above.5 Only then was the line truly filled in, every point of it a number: not just the fractions, packed everywhere, but the endless non-repeating decimals threaded invisibly between them, more numerous by far than the fractions they hide among. The line we draw without a second thought turned out to be stranger and more crowded than anyone had imagined — and the belief that every number is a ratio was gone.
IV. The impossible number§
Which brings us back to the stranger waiting at the end of the last chapter. The square root of negative one is not anywhere on that filled-in line at all, however crowded it has become — because everything on the line, positive or negative, fraction or endless decimal, gives something positive when multiplied by itself. A negative times a negative is a positive; a positive times a positive is a positive; nothing on the line, squared, can ever land below zero. The thing Cardano had recoiled from and Bombelli had learned to compute with was a genuinely new kind of object, and for a long time it kept the air of a guilty secret — a step you took in the middle of a calculation, holding your breath, on the way to an answer you trusted.
It even acquired its insulting name from this unease. It was Descartes — the same Descartes — who, in 1637, called such quantities imaginary, meaning the word as a dismissal: these are the merely imagined roots, as opposed to the real ones, the ones that aren't truly there.6 The slur stuck, and it has misled students ever since, because an imaginary number is no more imaginary than a negative one — both are exactly as fictional, and exactly as useful, as we have decided to let them be. A century later the great Leonhard Euler gave the secret a clean notation, writing i for the square root of negative one, so that the whole mystery could be packed into a single tidy rule, i times i equals negative one, and reasoned with like any other.7 Euler also found, along the way, one of the most beautiful facts in all of mathematics — a short formula binding this impossible i to the number that governs circles and the number that governs growth, three of the deepest constants in mathematics caught together in a single line — but that is a wonder for a later chapter. For now, take only the rule, and the gift it conceals: we now had a number whose square is negative, and with it we had stepped clean off the line. The numbers had become larger than the one dimension that had always seemed to hold them all.
V. Giving the impossible a home§
The thing that turned the imaginary numbers from a held breath into solid ground was not a new proof. It was a picture — one of those rare shifts of view after which a thing that had seemed impossible becomes so natural you wonder how anyone ever doubted it. The realization was this. The ordinary numbers fill a line, which is one-dimensional. The new numbers, written in the form a + bi — an ordinary part and an imaginary part — do not want to live on a line at all. They want a plane. Read a + bi as a pair of coordinates, go a steps along and b steps up, and every one of these “complex” numbers becomes simply a point on a flat sheet: the ordinary numbers along the horizontal, and i itself sitting one unit straight up from zero. The idea was hit upon independently by a Norwegian surveyor, Caspar Wessel, in 1799, and by a Parisian bookkeeper, Jean-Robert Argand, in 1806 — and then given its full authority by Gauss, who supplied the geometric picture in weighty form and gave the numbers the sober name we still use, complex.8
And now watch what becomes of the paradox once it has a home, because it is genuinely lovely. On this plane, what does it do to multiply a number by i? Take the number 1, the point one step to the right, and multiply by i: you get i, the point one step up. The effect was to swing the point a quarter turn around zero, ninety degrees counterclockwise. Try it again — multiply i by i — and you swing another quarter turn, landing on negative one, the point one step to the left. So i times i equals negative one stops being a riddle and becomes the plainest thing in the world: two quarter turns make a half turn, and a half turn is exactly what carries 1 over to negative one.9 Multiplying by i is just rotation by a right angle. The impossible number, the one that could not be placed anywhere on the line, turns out to be the most ordinary gesture imaginable — a quarter turn of the page — and it could not be placed on the line for the simplest of reasons: it was never on the line, because it points off it, into a second dimension the line was only ever one axis of. You could, at last, put your finger on i. The belief that every number lives on the line was gone, and in its place was a whole plane of numbers, with the old familiar ones merely the line across its middle.
VI. The picture of the whole§
There is one more picture worth pausing on, because it is beautiful in its own right and because it shows, in miniature, a move that mathematics makes again and again: when something is ragged or endless or hard to hold, find the right space to put it in, and it becomes whole. The plane of complex numbers runs off forever in every direction, and that endlessness is awkward — there is no edge, no way to take the whole of it in at once, and the behavior of numbers “far out toward infinity” is vague and hard to reason about. So here is the trick. Set a sphere down on the plane, touching it at zero like a ball resting on a tabletop. From the very top of the sphere, the north pole, imagine a straight line drawn to any point on the plane; that line pierces the sphere at exactly one other spot. This pairs up every point of the infinite flat plane with a point on the finite sphere: numbers near zero map to the bottom of the sphere, numbers far out map up toward the top — and the farther out you go, in any direction at all, the closer your point creeps to the north pole.
The north pole itself is the one point left over, and it has a name that captures the whole elegance of the construction: it is the point at infinity. The endless plane, plus that single extra point, wraps up perfectly onto the surface of a ball — the Riemann sphere, after Bernhard Riemann, whom we have met before bending geometry and will meet again.10 What was infinitely far away has become an ordinary place you can point to, a spot on top you could rest a fingertip on; the vague and threatening edge at infinity has been tamed into a tidy north pole. It is a first, gentle lesson in something the rest of this book will keep discovering — that a problem which looks intractable in one space can become simple, even obvious, in another, and that a great deal of mathematical progress is really the art of finding the space in which a hard thing finally lies down flat. (A word, in passing, to prevent a common confusion: this Riemann sphere is not the famous Riemann hypothesis, the great unsolved problem we are saving for much later. Riemann's name is on a great many doors.)
VII. The number that broke the rules§
If two-dimensional numbers were that powerful — if the flat plane of complex numbers could capture rotation and direction so beautifully — then surely, the thought went, there must be three-dimensional numbers too, a system for the points of actual space, which you could add and subtract and multiply and divide just as freely. The man who chased that idea hardest was the Irishman William Rowan Hamilton, one of the great mathematicians of the nineteenth century, and he chased it for the better part of fifteen years. The trouble was always the same: he could make such triples add and subtract, but he could not, for the life of him, make them multiply and divide in a way that worked. The struggle became a family joke. His children would come down to breakfast and ask, “Well, Papa, can you multiply triples?” — and he would have to answer, with a shake of the head, that no, he could still only add and subtract them.11
The answer came to him in a flash on the sixteenth of October, 1843, while he was walking with his wife along the towpath of the Royal Canal in Dublin, on his way to a meeting. And it came in two pieces, each of which required surrendering something he had taken for granted. The first surprise: you cannot do it with three numbers. You need four — one ordinary part and three different imaginary units, which he named i, j, and k. The second surprise was the deeper heresy, and he knew it at once. To make the multiplication work, he had to give up the rule that the order of multiplication does not matter. With these new numbers, i times j is k, but j times i is negative k — the same two numbers, multiplied in the other order, give the opposite answer. So overcome was he by seeing it whole that he stopped on the spot and carved the founding relations of his new numbers — the quaternions — into the stone of the bridge he was passing, with a knife.
It is hard to overstate what a violation this was. That three times four equals four times three, that the order in which you multiply can make no possible difference, is about as obvious as anything in arithmetic gets — more obvious, surely, than Euclid's awkward fifth postulate ever was. Hamilton looked at that law, understood that it was standing between him and a working system, and deliberately let it go — and the world did not collapse. The quaternions are perfectly consistent. They contradict nothing; they simply obey a different rule. And this is the very same liberation we watched in the chapter on Euclid, now arriving in arithmetic instead of geometry. Just as denying the fifth postulate did not produce nonsense but a new and lawful geometry, dropping the commutative law did not produce nonsense but a new and lawful algebra. The rules of number, like the axioms of space, turned out not to be commandments carved into reality. They were choices — and you could choose differently, on purpose, and build a sound new world on the other side of the choice.
And then the turn this book keeps returning to, the one that should by now be raising the hair on your neck. Hamilton's quaternions looked, for a while, like a beautiful abstraction with no particular job — and were even pushed aside, later in the century, by the simpler vector notation that grew partly out of them. But it turns out that the very thing that made them so strange — that the order of multiplication matters — is exactly the thing that rotations in three-dimensional space require, because real rotations do not commute either: turn a book face-up then face-right, and you end somewhere different than if you had done the two turns in the other order. The non-commutative numbers were the natural language of orientation all along. Today, quaternions are what steer spacecraft and point telescopes, what animate the characters in every video game, and what lets the phone in your pocket keep track of which way it is being held — chosen by engineers precisely because they glide through orientations that trip up the simpler schemes.12 A sacrifice that looked like pure metaphysics — the surrender of an obvious law of arithmetic — turned out, a century and a half later, to be riding in your hand.
VIII. The widening, and what it means§
Stand back now and look at the whole sweep of it, because the shape is unmistakable. We began with the counting numbers, the ones you can show on your fingers, and then we let in nothing, and then we let in less than nothing, and then the unwritable lengths that are no fraction, and then the impossible number off the side of the line, and finally the four-part numbers for which order itself has stopped being safe. At every step the script was the same. The new numbers arrived under suspicion, denounced as absurd or false or merely imaginary; someone worked out a consistent set of rules under which they made sense and contradicted nothing; on that basis, grudgingly, they were let in; and then — always — they turned out not to be idle luxuries but precisely the tools some corner of the world had been waiting for. And every admission cost us a belief we had been holding as a law of nature, when it had only ever been a description of the numbers we had so far.
This is the strongest evidence the book has yet put in front of you for the invented side of our standing question, and it is worth feeling its full force. These number systems were plainly built. Nobody dug up the quaternions; Hamilton made them, by an act of free choice, deciding which rule to keep and which to throw away — and he could have chosen otherwise, and other mathematicians, exploring other sacrifices, have built still other systems. If that is not invention, nothing is. And yet the old pull toward discovery is here too, stronger than ever and impossible to wave off. Because once a new number is admitted, it does not behave like a free invention at all. It is rigid; it is forced; you do not get to decide that i squared is anything other than negative one, any more than you get to vote on the diagonal of a square. Each new kind of number makes the older ones cohere in ways they did not before, snapping into the structure as though a missing piece had been found rather than fashioned. And then, with that maddening regularity, the thing dreamed up in pure abstraction turns out to fit the physical world to a precision no mere invention has any right to — the complex numbers, conjured to solve a cubic, becoming the working language of every alternating-current circuit and the very grammar of quantum mechanics; the order-breaking quaternions becoming the mathematics of how things turn. We keep building the houses. Something we did not build keeps moving in.
So number was never a single fixed thing handed to us once and for all, a room we were given and told to live in. It was a house we kept adding rooms to, century after century — and the strangest part of the story is that every room we were assured could not possibly be built turned out, in the end, to be one we could not do without. The counting numbers were only ever the front hall. We step next into one of the additions that changed everything: not a new kind of number, but a new way of catching the one thing the ancients could never pin down with numbers at all — motion, and change, and the fleeting instant. That door has Newton on one side of it and Leibniz on the other, and they are not speaking.
Sources
- Brahmagupta, Brāhmasphuṭasiddhānta (628 CE), which gives the earliest known systematic rules for arithmetic with zero and with negative numbers (framed as “fortunes” and “debts”); his treatment of division by zero is incorrect (he holds 0 ÷ 0 = 0). See K. Plofker, Mathematics in India (Princeton University Press, 2009), and R. Kaplan, The Nothing That Is: A Natural History of Zero (Oxford University Press, 2000). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Leonardo of Pisa (Fibonacci), Liber Abaci (1202), a principal channel by which the Hindu–Arabic numerals, including zero, entered Europe; on the long European resistance and the bans on Arabic numerals in some cities (e.g. Florence, 1299), see Kaplan, The Nothing That Is, and C. B. Boyer and U. C. Merzbach, A History of Mathematics (Wiley, 3rd ed., 2011). [secondary] ↩
- René Descartes, La Géométrie (1637), refers to negative roots as “false” roots (racines fausses), as opposed to “true” (positive) roots — representative of the long European reluctance to grant negative numbers full standing. [primary] ↩
- The incommensurability of the diagonal of a square with its side — equivalently, the irrationality of √2 — is treated in Euclid, Elements, Book X; its discovery is traditionally (and uncertainly) ascribed to the Pythagorean school, as discussed in the first chapter. See T. L. Heath, A History of Greek Mathematics (Oxford, 1921). [primary / secondary] ↩
- R. Dedekind, Stetigkeit und irrationale Zahlen (“Continuity and Irrational Numbers,” 1872), which defines the real numbers rigorously by “cuts” in the rationals; comparable rigorous constructions were given by Georg Cantor and others in the same period. [primary] ↩
- René Descartes, La Géométrie (1637), coins the term “imaginary” (imaginaire) for the non-real roots of equations, intending it dismissively. The earlier formal handling of such quantities is due to Rafael Bombelli, L'Algebra (1572), discussed in the previous chapter. [primary] ↩
- Leonhard Euler introduced the symbol i for √(−1) (in a paper written 1777, published 1794) and, in his Introductio in analysin infinitorum (1748), established the formula now written eiθ = cos θ + i sin θ, of which the celebrated identity eiπ + 1 = 0 is the special case θ = π. [primary] ↩
- The geometric representation of complex numbers as points of a plane was given independently by Caspar Wessel, “Om Directionens analytiske Betegning” (Royal Danish Academy, 1799, long overlooked), and Jean-Robert Argand (privately printed essay, 1806) — hence “Argand diagram.” C. F. Gauss developed the same picture and introduced the term “complex number” (complexe Zahl), lending it decisive authority, notably in his 1831 work on biquadratic residues. See Boyer and Merzbach, A History of Mathematics. [primary / secondary] ↩
- That multiplication by i corresponds to a 90° rotation of the complex plane, and that multiplication of complex numbers adds their angles (arguments) and multiplies their lengths (moduli), follows from the polar form of complex numbers; the angle-addition rule is De Moivre's theorem (Abraham de Moivre, early 18th c.). See any standard complex-analysis text, e.g. T. Needham, Visual Complex Analysis (Oxford University Press, 1997). [secondary] ↩
- The representation of the extended complex plane (the complex numbers together with a single “point at infinity”) as a sphere, via stereographic projection, is due to Bernhard Riemann; it is now called the Riemann sphere. It is distinct from the Riemann hypothesis. See Needham, Visual Complex Analysis, and Boyer and Merzbach, A History of Mathematics. [secondary] ↩
- W. R. Hamilton discovered the quaternions on 16 October 1843, famously carving the relations i² = j² = k² = ijk = −1 into Brougham (Broom) Bridge, Dublin. The “can you multiply triples?” family anecdote is from Hamilton's own later letter to his son Archibald (1865). Quaternion multiplication is non-commutative (ij = k but ji = −k). See B. L. van der Waerden, “Hamilton's Discovery of Quaternions,” Mathematics Magazine 49 (1976): 227–234. [primary / secondary] ↩
- On the modern use of unit quaternions to represent and compose three-dimensional rotations — in computer graphics and animation, robotics, and spacecraft attitude control, where they avoid the “gimbal lock” degeneracy of Euler-angle schemes — see J. B. Kuipers, Quaternions and Rotation Sequences (Princeton University Press, 1999). [secondary] ↩
Catching Motion
The calculus — how mathematics finally laid hands on change, the instant, and the curved; the two great ancient problems that turned out to be one; and the bitterest quarrel in the history of science
I. The thing numbers couldn't catch§
We left the last chapter with two men at a closed door, not speaking. We will come back to their quarrel, because it is the most famous and most poisonous priority dispute in the history of science. But the thing they were quarrelling over deserves to be understood before we watch them fight about who owned it — because it may be the single most powerful idea in this whole book. Each of them, working alone, had found a way to do something that mathematics had been unable to do for two thousand years. They had found a way to catch motion.
Consider why that is hard. Everything in the book so far has been good at the still and the fixed: how many sheep, how long a wall, the area of a field with straight edges, the certain unchanging facts about a triangle that will never move. But the world does not hold still. Things fall, and speed up as they fall; planets wheel; water flows; a population swells. And here mathematics hit a wall it could not climb, because the most natural question you can ask about a moving thing breaks the arithmetic. What is its speed at a single instant? Speed is distance divided by time — but at a single frozen instant no time passes and no distance is covered, so the honest answer is zero divided by zero, which is nothing and everything and nonsense. The same wall stood in front of any curved shape: you could find the area of anything bounded by straight lines, but put a curve along one edge — the simplest arc — and the old methods were helpless.
The Greeks felt the wall and named it. Zeno of Elea, around twenty-five centuries ago, posed a set of paradoxes that are really all the same wound pressed from different sides. The cruelest is the arrow. At any single instant, Zeno said, a flying arrow occupies a space exactly equal to itself — it is, in that frozen instant, indistinguishable from an arrow at rest. But time is made of instants, and if the arrow is motionless in each one, when does it ever move?1 The paradox has the maddening quality of all the best ones: you know the arrow flies, and you cannot say what is wrong with the argument. Hidden inside it is the very problem that two thousand years later would crack open into the calculus: the relationship between the instant, which seems to hold no motion, and the interval, which is somehow built of instants and yet full of it.
II. The Greeks at the wall§
It is not that the ancients made no progress. They invented a method of real power, the method of exhaustion, credited to Eudoxus and used with great skill in Euclid: to find a curved area, fill it with straight-sided figures — inscribe a square, then an octagon, then a sixteen-sided polygon, each one hugging the curve more closely, the leftover slivers shrinking toward nothing, the gap being progressively “exhausted.”2 It is the right idea, almost. But the Greeks would not take the final step. They would show that the gap could be made smaller than any amount you cared to name, and stop there; they would not say that in the limit the polygon becomes the circle, because the completed infinite frightened them, and they did not trust a process that ran forever to actually arrive.
The one who came closest was the greatest of them, Archimedes. He found the exact area enclosed by a parabola; he pinned the value of π between two close fractions by squeezing a circle between polygons of ninety-six sides; and — this only came fully to light in 1906, when a scholar found it scraped half-erased beneath the text of a medieval prayer book — he had a secret method, which he used but did not consider quite respectable, of imagining an area sliced into infinitely many infinitely thin strips and weighing them, as on a balance, against a shape he already understood.3 That is integration, two thousand years early, arrived at by the finest mathematical mind of the ancient world — and then half-hidden, treated by its own discoverer as a trick for finding answers rather than a method fit to be shown in public. What Archimedes lacked was not genius but a machine: a general, repeatable procedure that an ordinary mortal could turn, on any curve, without having to be Archimedes. That machine is what the seventeenth century finally built.
III. The instant captured§
The key that opened the whole subject can be stated in a single move, and it is worth holding still to admire, because almost everything follows from it. To find the speed at a single instant, stop demanding a single instant. Instead, take a tiny interval of time around the moment you care about, and compute the perfectly ordinary average speed across it — a real distance divided by a real stretch of time, two honest non-zero numbers, no nonsense anywhere. Then shrink the interval. Make it smaller, and smaller, and watch what the average speed is doing as you do. You never divide by zero; you simply watch the ratio settle toward some particular value as the top and bottom both dwindle toward nothing together. That value it is heading for — the limit — is the speed at the instant.
Picture it on a curve, which is the same idea wearing geometry. The steepness of a curve at a single point seems as ill-defined as the speed at an instant — a point has no width to measure a slope across. So draw a straight line through your point and a second point nearby; that line has a perfectly good slope. Now slide the second point toward the first. The little line pivots, and its slope homes in on a definite value — the steepness of the curve exactly at that point, the slope of the line that just grazes it. That limiting steepness is the derivative: the instantaneous rate at which the curve is rising, the precise speed of the change. Newton, who found all this in his twenties, called it the fluxion — the rate of flow of a flowing quantity — and thought of a curve as something traced by a moving point, the derivative being how fast it was moving at each place.4 A stone dropped from a tower falls a distance that grows as the square of the time; ask the calculus for its speed and it answers cleanly that the speed grows in simple proportion to the time elapsed, faster every second by the same amount — which is exactly what falling feels like, and exactly what a falling body does. Zeno's instant, which could hold no motion, turns out to hold a perfectly definite speed after all: not a thing you catch sitting inside the instant, but the value the instant's neighbourhood is converging on.
IV. The area, and the great surprise§
That is one half of the calculus — the differential half, the mathematics of the instantaneous. The other half goes after the ancient problem of the curved area, and it does so by finishing the step the Greeks refused to take. To find the area under a curve, slice the region into a great many thin vertical strips, each one so nearly a rectangle that you may as well treat it as one, and add up all their little areas. That sum is only an approximation — the tops of the strips don't quite fit the curve — but now make the strips thinner, and more numerous, without end, and watch the sum, like the average speed before it, settle toward a definite limit. That limit is the exact area. Leibniz wrote the operation with a long, graceful S, the sign ∫ that every calculus student now knows, for the Latin summa, a sum — another piece of that deliberate, thinking-for-you notation we met two chapters ago.5 This is the integral, and it gives, at last, the general machine for the areas, volumes, and lengths of curved things that had defeated everyone since Archimedes.
And now comes the summit of the whole subject — one of the most beautiful facts any human being has ever uncovered, and the reason calculus is one idea and not two. The two problems we have just solved look utterly unrelated. Finding the slope of a curve is about steepness, about the instantaneous; finding the area under a curve is about accumulation, about the total piled up. They seem to live in different worlds. They are, in fact, exact opposites — each one undoes the other. Suppose you track the area under a curve as you slide its right-hand edge slowly rightward. How fast does that accumulated area grow? In each instant you add a sliver, and the sliver's height is just the height of the curve at that edge, so the area grows at a rate exactly equal to the curve's height at every point. The rate of change of the accumulated area is the curve. Which means that to find an area — the old, hard, ancient problem — you need only ask what quantity has the curve as its rate of change, and run the slope-finding backwards. The two greatest unsolved problems of antiquity were, all along, a single problem facing in two directions. This is the Fundamental Theorem of Calculus, glimpsed by Newton's own teacher Isaac Barrow and made the keystone of everything by Newton and Leibniz.6 The instantaneous and the accumulated, the slope and the area, the two faces nobody had thought to turn toward each other, are one thing seen from two sides.
V. The number that is its own rate§
Once you can speak about rates of change with this kind of precision, you can ask questions that could not even be phrased before, and one of them turns up a number as deep, in its way, as π. Ask: is there a quantity whose rate of growth, at every single instant, is equal to its own current size? A thing whose change is fed exactly by how much of it there already is — money earning interest in proportion to the balance, a population breeding in proportion to its numbers, anything that has more to grow with the more it has already grown? In the language of the calculus: is there a function that is its own derivative?
There is, and the particular number that sits at the base of it — the number that makes the growth exactly self-equal, no faster and no slower — is a constant a little over 2.71828, which Euler named e.7 If π is the number woven into everything round, e is the number woven into everything that grows from itself. It turns up, unbidden and unbidden again, wherever change is proportional to the thing changing: in a cup of coffee cooling toward room temperature, in the decay of a radioactive atom, in the curve of a chain hanging between two posts, and — the example that first uncovered it — in compound interest, where the more frequently you compound a sum, the closer a year's growth creeps toward a factor of exactly e. Nobody designed this number; it was found, sitting at the heart of growth, waiting for the moment someone asked the calculus what self-sustaining change must look like. And it is the very same e that Euler bound together with π and the impossible i in the single luminous line we admired last chapter — three of the deepest constants in mathematics, each discovered in a different country of the subject, turning out to be locked in one short equation. That is a circle we will close in its own good time; here it is enough to meet e where it is born, in the mathematics of change.
VI. The ghosts of departed quantities§
Now honesty demands a confession, and it is one of the most revealing in the book. For about a century and a half, the calculus — this engine that was already remaking physics and astronomy and engineering — had no sound logical foundation whatsoever. It worked. It worked better than anything in the history of human thought. And nobody could say cleanly why.
The trouble lived in those vanishing intervals. In the middle of a calculation you would divide by the tiny quantity — call it dx — which means you were treating it as something other than zero, since dividing by zero is forbidden. And then, a line or two later, having extracted your answer, you would throw that same quantity away as too small to matter, treating it as though it were zero after all. It could not honestly be both. Either it was zero, in which case you had divided by zero and the whole thing was illegal, or it was not zero, in which case discarding it was cheating. The calculus seemed to get correct answers by committing, in plain sight, a logical fraud.
The sharpest attack came from a bishop. George Berkeley, the philosopher, published a pamphlet in 1734 called The Analyst in which he took the reasoning of the calculus apart with surgical and entirely justified contempt. What, he demanded, are these infinitely small quantities, that are not finite, and not exactly nothing, but some third thing summoned and dismissed precisely as convenience requires? He gave them a name that has outlived almost everything else in the controversy: the ghosts of departed quantities.8 And he was right. The practitioners had no clean reply. All they had — and it was, in the end, enough to keep going on — was the brute, undeniable fact that the method never stopped giving true results. It would take until the nineteenth century for the ghosts to be properly laid, when Cauchy and then, with full rigour, Weierstrass threw out the vague infinitely-small altogether and rebuilt everything on the careful, finite notion of the limit — a precise account of what it means for a ratio to come as close as you please to a value, with no appeal to any quantity that is somehow smaller than every number and yet not zero.9 The foundation was finally poured a hundred and fifty years after the cathedral had been built, filled, and put to work — which is, as this book keeps finding, very often the real order of events: the thing works, and is used, and only much later is it understood why it was ever allowed to. And a last twist, worth a smile: in the 1960s the logician Abraham Robinson showed that the infinitesimals could be defined with complete rigour after all — that Berkeley's ghosts could be lawfully summoned back, made every bit as respectable as the limit.10 The reckless instinct of Newton and Leibniz had been sound the whole time. It had merely been waiting three centuries for a logic worthy of it.
VII. The feud, and the cost of pride§
Which brings us, at last, to the two men at the door. Isaac Newton worked out his method of fluxions in 1665 and 1666 — two plague years he spent sent down from Cambridge to the quiet of the countryside, the same miraculous months in which he also broke open the nature of light and conceived universal gravitation. And then, being Newton — secretive, thin-skinned, congenitally slow to publish — he largely sat on it for twenty years, letting it pass in manuscript among a trusted few while the world waited without knowing what it was waiting for. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, a German diplomat and philosopher of almost absurd range, worked out his own version independently about a decade later, in the mid-1670s — and gave it the magnificent notation we have used all chapter long, the dx and the long-S integral, symbols so well made that they carry part of the reasoning for you. And Leibniz, unlike Newton, published, in 1684, putting the calculus before the world for the first time.
What followed was squalid. Charges of plagiarism flew both ways; what should have been a shared triumph curdled into a national war between English and Continental mathematics, with patriotism doing most of the talking. The Royal Society was asked to settle the matter, and in 1712 it handed down a report finding firmly for Newton — a report that wore the face of impartial judgement and was nothing of the kind, for Newton was the president of the Society, had quietly handpicked the committee himself, and had in plain fact drafted its findings and then written an anonymous review praising them.11 Leibniz died a few years later, under a cloud, his contribution officially diminished in the country that had appointed itself judge. The sober verdict of history is the unglamorous one: they invented it independently; Newton reached the ideas first; Leibniz published first and with the far better notation, which is the one the whole world now uses.
But the feud had a victim, and it was neither man. Out of loyalty to Newton, English mathematicians clung for an entire century to his clumsier notation and held themselves haughtily apart from the Continent — and so, while Leibniz's symbolism let the Bernoullis and Euler and their successors build the calculus into the soaring structure that would carry all of modern physics, British mathematics, marooned behind its own patriotism, fell behind and stayed behind for the better part of a hundred years.12 Pride is expensive. Here the bill came to a century of lost ground, and it was paid in full by people who had not been born when the quarrel began. We have seen this shadow before, hanging over the cubic — brilliance and pettiness seem to keep closer company than we would like — and we will see it again. The mathematics is luminous. The mathematicians are human.
VIII. What it means to catch motion§
Step back from the quarrel and the rigour and the notation, and look at what was actually won. Calculus is the mathematics of change — and it turned out that catching change was the key that opened the entire modern world. Very nearly everything we have built since is written in its language, because the deepest laws we have found are not statements about how things are but about how things change — how fast, in which direction, fed by what — and statements about change are equations in the calculus. The fall of a stone and the orbit of a planet, the flow of heat and the spread of a disease, the swing of a market and the current in the very circuit carrying these words: all of them are caught in the net that Newton and Leibniz wove, and the companion volume to this book, on the physics of information, runs on that net from its first page to its last.
And the old question sharpens one more degree. The notation is invention, gloriously and undeniably so — Leibniz chose his symbols, and chose them so well that we honour the choice every time we draw an integral sign. But what the symbols caught is not invention at all. Newton and Leibniz did not decree that the area beneath a curve is found by undoing its slope; they discovered it, and it would be true in any universe that had curves and instants to speak of. The number e did not agree to sit at the heart of growth; it was already sitting there, waiting. The instant that Zeno swore could hold no motion was holding a definite speed the whole time; the curved shapes that defeated the Greeks were yielding, all along, to an endless sum; and the two great problems that antiquity could not solve were, in truth, a single problem that no one had thought to read in both directions. We built the language. We did not build what the language found waiting.
We turn next from the mathematics of change to the mathematics of chance — from the falling stone, whose every instant is now exactly known, to the tossed coin, whose next instant cannot be known at all. It is the unlikeliest conquest in this book: how mathematics, the home of certainty, walked into the one room where certainty does not live, and learned to rule it anyway.
Sources
- Zeno of Elea's paradoxes of motion (5th c. BCE) survive chiefly through Aristotle's Physics, Book VI; the “arrow” and “Achilles and the tortoise” are the best known. See G. S. Kirk, J. E. Raven, and M. Schofield, The Presocratic Philosophers (Cambridge University Press, 2nd ed., 1983). [primary / secondary] ↩
- The method of exhaustion is attributed to Eudoxus of Cnidus (4th c. BCE) and deployed in Euclid, Elements, Book XII (e.g. that circles are to one another as the squares on their diameters). See T. L. Heath, A History of Greek Mathematics (Oxford, 1921), vol. 1. [primary / secondary] ↩
- Archimedes (c. 287–212 BCE), Quadrature of the Parabola, Measurement of a Circle (bounding π with 96-gons), and The Method of Mechanical Theorems — the last using indivisible “slices” weighed by a balance, a heuristic precursor of the integral, recovered in 1906 by J. L. Heiberg from the Archimedes Palimpsest. See R. Netz and W. Noel, The Archimedes Codex (Da Capo, 2007), and T. L. Heath (ed.), The Works of Archimedes (Cambridge, 1897; with the Method, 1912). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Isaac Newton developed his “method of fluxions” in 1665–66; key texts include De analysi per aequationes numero terminorum infinitas (1669, circulated; printed 1711) and Methodus fluxionum et serierum infinitarum (written c. 1671, published posthumously 1736). See D. T. Whiteside (ed.), The Mathematical Papers of Isaac Newton, 8 vols. (Cambridge University Press, 1967–81). [primary / secondary] ↩
- G. W. Leibniz introduced the differential notation dx, dy and the integral sign ∫ (an elongated S for summa) in manuscripts from 1675; his first publications on the calculus were “Nova Methodus pro Maximis et Minimis” (Acta Eruditorum, 1684, differential) and a companion paper on the integral (1686). See Boyer and Merzbach, A History of Mathematics (Wiley, 3rd ed., 2011). [primary / secondary] ↩
- The Fundamental Theorem of Calculus — that differentiation and integration are mutually inverse — has a geometric precursor in the work of Isaac Barrow (Newton's predecessor in the Lucasian chair) and James Gregory, and was made central by Newton and Leibniz. See C. H. Edwards, The Historical Development of the Calculus (Springer, 1979). [secondary] ↩
- The constant e ≈ 2.71828 emerged from Jacob Bernoulli's study of continuous compound interest (1683), as the limit of (1 + 1/n)n; Leonhard Euler fixed the symbol e, proved that the exponential function ex is its own derivative, and established its many series and identities, notably in Introductio in analysin infinitorum (1748). See E. Maor, e: The Story of a Number (Princeton University Press, 1994). [primary / secondary] ↩
- George Berkeley, The Analyst; or, a Discourse Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician (London, 1734), which criticized the logical foundations of the calculus and described infinitesimals as “the ghosts of departed quantities.” [primary] ↩
- The rigorous foundation of the calculus on the concept of the limit was developed by Augustin-Louis Cauchy (Cours d'analyse, 1821) and completed with the formal (ε–δ) definition of the limit by Karl Weierstrass and his school in the mid-to-late nineteenth century. See J. V. Grabiner, The Origins of Cauchy's Rigorous Calculus (MIT Press, 1981). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Abraham Robinson, Non-standard Analysis (North-Holland, 1966), which gave a rigorous logical basis for infinitesimal quantities, vindicating the original intuition of Newton and Leibniz. [secondary] ↩
- On the Newton–Leibniz priority dispute and the partiality of the Royal Society's 1712 report, the Commercium Epistolicum — whose committee Newton, as President, effectively selected and whose conclusions (and an anonymous review) he largely wrote — see A. R. Hall, Philosophers at War: The Quarrel between Newton and Leibniz (Cambridge University Press, 1980). [secondary] ↩
- On the long stagnation of British mathematics after the dispute, owing to insular loyalty to Newton's fluxional notation over Leibniz's superior symbolism — partially reversed only in the early nineteenth century (e.g. the Cambridge Analytical Society of Babbage, Herschel, and Peacock, 1812) — see Boyer and Merzbach, A History of Mathematics. [secondary] ↩
The Arithmetic of Maybe
How mathematics, the home of certainty, walked into the one room where certainty does not live — and discovered that chance has laws
I. Into the one room where certainty doesn't live§
The last chapter set two things side by side: the falling stone, whose every instant the calculus had made exactly knowable, and the tossed coin, whose next instant nobody can know at all. We turn now to the coin, and to what may be the strangest conquest in this whole book. Everything we have followed so far has been mathematics doing what mathematics is famous for — pinning things down, proving them beyond doubt, reaching truths that cannot be otherwise. And now it walks deliberately into the one room where none of that is supposed to be possible: the room of luck and accident and the genuinely unpredictable. The astonishing thing is that it walked out the master of the place. Not by abolishing chance — the next coin is as unknowable as ever — but by discovering that chance, which looks like the very absence of law, is itself ruled by laws as exact as any in geometry.
Here is the eerie heart of the matter, and it is worth feeling before we see how it was won. You cannot predict a single toss of a fair coin; that is what “fair” means. But you can predict, with a precision that would make an astronomer envious, what ten thousand tosses will do together — that they will come up very close to five thousand heads, and that the closer you look at “very close” the more lawful it becomes. Out of the perfect unpredictability of the one emerges the near-perfect predictability of the many. The individual instant is chaos; the crowd of instants is order. That a heap of pure randomness should be the most reliable thing in the room is the secret this chapter is about, and once you have seen it you will see it everywhere — in the casino's unshakeable edge, in the insurer's confidence, in the very steadiness of the warmth coming off the page you are reading.
II. Why so late?§
Before the conquest, a genuine mystery — the kind this book likes to stop and stare at, because the honest question why did nobody think of this sooner? is so rarely asked. Human beings had been gambling for thousands of years. Dice older than writing have been dug from the ground; the ancient world was awash in games of chance, and the Romans in particular were obsessed with them, throwing carved knucklebones and cubes of bone for money in every corner of the empire. The motive was there — money always concentrates the mind — and the mathematics required was nothing more than careful counting, which civilizations had commanded for millennia. And yet no one built a mathematics of chance until the middle of the seventeenth century. For two thousand years, people with every reason and every tool to calculate the odds simply did not.1
Why the wait is itself a deep question, and the likeliest answer is not about mathematics at all but about how people understood the world. To the ancient mind, the fall of the dice was not random in our sense — it was the verdict of the gods, or of fate, an expression of a will that lay behind events. You do not calculate the will of the gods; you read it, or submit to it, or pray. The very idea that the uncertain could be subject to law, that there could be a stable, knowable structure inside not-knowing, may have been the thing that was missing — a conceptual permission slip that no one had yet written. There were scattered exceptions, men who came right up to the edge, but the discipline did not crystallize until someone was finally willing to treat an unknown future not as the hidden intention of providence but as a set of countable, equally weighted possibilities. That willingness arrived, as such things often do in this book, around a gambling table.
III. The interrupted game§
The founding problem of probability is a question about fairness, and it had been kicking around, unsolved, since the Renaissance. It is called the problem of points, and it goes like this. Two players put up equal stakes and agree to play a series of fair rounds — first to win a set number of rounds takes the whole pot. But the game is interrupted before either has won. Given the score at the moment they stop, how should the pot be divided fairly? The Renaissance mathematician Luca Pacioli had tackled it in 1494 and got it wrong, proposing they split the stakes in proportion to the rounds each had already won — which feels reasonable and is not, because it looks only at the past and ignores who was actually more likely to win.2
In 1654, prompted by questions from a gambling nobleman, the Chevalier de Méré, two of the finest mathematicians alive took it up in a now-famous exchange of letters: Blaise Pascal and Pierre de Fermat. And between them they found the key, which is to look not backward at the score but forward at the futures. Divide the pot in proportion to each player's chance of winning had the game continued — and to find that chance, simply imagine playing out all the equally likely ways the remaining rounds could go, and count. Take a small case to feel it. Suppose it is first to three rounds, and play stops with one player, call her A, leading two rounds to one. A needs just one more round to win; her opponent B needs two. Imagine the next two rounds played — there are four equally likely outcomes, AA, AB, BA, BB — and A wins the pot in every one except BB, because in any sequence where A takes even a single round she reaches three first. So A should win three of the four equally likely futures, and B only one: the fair division is three to one. Not the two-to-one their past scores would suggest — the future, properly counted, is what fairness depends on.2 With that one move — treat the unknown future as a set of equally likely cases and count the favourable ones — an entire science was born. (In fairness to a ghost we have met before, Gerolamo Cardano, the cubic-solving brawler of an earlier chapter, had written a shrewd little book on games of chance around 1564 containing real fragments of this idea; but it sat unpublished until 1663, after Pascal and Fermat had already lit the lamp, and so the credit, and the discipline, are usually dated to their letters.)3
IV. Counting the futures§
The whole engine, in its simplest form, is just that: lay out the equally likely elementary outcomes, count the ones that favour the event you care about, and divide by the total. The chance is the fraction of futures that go your way. It sounds almost too plain to be a discovery, and its plainness is exactly what twenty centuries had missed — the willingness to chop an uncertain situation into equal, countable pieces and treat their proportions as a measurable quantity.
The counting holds surprises, which is what makes it more than bookkeeping. Roll two dice and ask which total is likeliest. Beginners expect every total from two to twelve to be roughly as common as any other; they are wrong, and the reason is pure counting. There is only one way to roll a two — a one and a one — and only one way to roll a twelve. But there are six different ways to roll a seven: one and six, two and five, three and four, and the same three reversed. So a seven, with six of the thirty-six equally likely outcomes in its favour, comes up six times as often as a two — which is why seven is the pivot of every dice game ever played, and why the gambler who feels in his bones that some numbers are luckier than others is, for once, right, though not for the reason he thinks. The first proper textbook of the new science, written by the great Dutch physicist Christiaan Huygens in 1657, built on exactly this kind of counting and added the tool that turned probability from a curiosity into something you could act on: expectation — the long-run average value of a gamble, found by weighting each possible payoff by its chance.4 Expectation is the fair price of a bet, the number an insurer or a casino lives and dies by, and with it the arithmetic of maybe acquired a bottom line.
V. The law that lives in the crowd§
Now we reach the theorem that explains the eerie thing from the opening — the one that makes the unpredictable predictable, and arguably the deepest single result in the subject. It is due to Jacob Bernoulli, of the same prodigious Bernoulli family that would carry the calculus forward, and it appeared in his posthumous masterwork, the Ars Conjectandi — the Art of Conjecturing — in 1713. Bernoulli asked the obvious-seeming question that nobody had been able to nail down: we say a fair coin has a one-in-two chance of heads, but what does that actually have to do with what happens when you toss it? A single toss can land either way; where is the “one in two” in that?
His answer, the law of large numbers, is that the connection lives not in any one toss but in the crowd of them, and that it tightens without limit as the crowd grows. Toss the coin a few times and the fraction of heads can be anything — all heads, no heads, anything at all. But toss it more, and more, and the fraction of heads is drawn ever more firmly toward one half; the wild swings of the early going are slowly ironed flat by sheer repetition, until in the long run the observed frequency closes in on the true probability as tightly as you care to demand.5 Bernoulli proved this — proved that the chaos has a destination, that randomness in bulk obeys an iron regularity that single instances conceal. This is the mathematical bedrock under the whole strange fact that a casino, which cannot predict a single spin, can predict its annual profit to the decimal; under the insurer, who has no idea whether you in particular will live to ninety but knows almost exactly how many of a hundred thousand of you will. The individual is free; the multitude is lawful. Out of an utter absence of pattern in the small, an unbreakable pattern in the large.
VI. The shape chance keeps drawing§
If the law of large numbers says that randomness in bulk has a destination, the next discovery says that it arrives there in a particular and universal shape — and the shape is one you have seen a thousand times. Abraham de Moivre, a French Protestant exiled to London, was studying what happens to the spread of outcomes when you toss a coin not ten times but hundreds, and in 1733 he found that the jagged staircase of possibilities, as the tosses pile up, smooths into a single graceful curve: high and humped in the middle, falling away symmetrically on both sides, the curve we now call the bell.6 A century later Pierre-Simon Laplace, who more than anyone turned this scattering of gambling results into a systematic theory, proved how astonishingly general the curve is. Take almost any quantity that is the sum of many small, independent random influences — it scarcely matters what each influence looks like on its own — and the total will pile itself into that same bell. This is the central limit theorem, and it is one of the most quietly miraculous facts in all of mathematics: a single universal shape that chance draws again and again, wherever many little accidents add up.7
It is everywhere because almost everything is a sum of small accidents. The errors in repeated measurements of a star's position fall into the bell — which is how Gauss came to it, working out how to wring the best estimate from imperfect observations, and why the curve is so often called the Gaussian. The heights of men, the sizes of leaves, the scatter of pellets from a shotgun, the spread of test scores: all of them, being the accumulation of countless tiny independent pushes, take the same form. The Belgian astronomer Adolphe Quetelet was so struck by this that in the 1830s he turned the curve on humanity itself, charting the measurements of whole populations and conjuring from their centre the idea of l'homme moyen, the average man — and in doing so founded the statistical study of society, for better and, as later misuse would show, for considerably worse.8 The bell curve is the fingerprint that accumulated randomness leaves behind, and once you know to look for it you find it pressed into nearly everything that is made of many small things.
VII. The probability of belief§
So far probability has meant one thing: the long-run frequency of an outcome, the fraction of futures that go a certain way, a fact about coins and dice and crowds out in the world. But there is a second, deeper, and more unsettling idea of what a probability is, and it entered through a paper by an English Presbyterian minister, the Reverend Thomas Bayes, read to the Royal Society in 1763, two years after his death, by his friend Richard Price.9 Bayes asked the question that runs the other way. Ordinary probability goes from known causes to the odds on their effects: given a fair coin, how likely is this run of heads? Bayes went from observed effects back to the odds on their causes: given this run of heads, how likely is it that the coin is fair? His theorem is a precise rule for doing exactly that — for taking a belief, expressed as a probability, and updating it in the light of new evidence, sharpening your estimate of the hidden truth each time fresh data arrives.
This quietly turns probability into something new: not a frequency out in the world but a measure of belief in a mind, a numerical confidence that gets revised as you learn. And it has a famous sting in its tail, worth seeing because it corrects an error nearly everyone makes. Imagine a test for a rare disease — the disease afflicts one person in ten thousand, and the test is a very good one, wrong only one per cent of the time. You test positive. How worried should you be? The intuition screams ninety-nine per cent; the truth, by Bayes' rule, is that you almost certainly do not have the disease — because in a population of a million, the hundred true cases are swamped by the roughly ten thousand false alarms the test throws off, so a positive result is far more likely to be one of the many mistakes than one of the few real cases. The rare truth hides behind the common error, and only the arithmetic of belief can pull them apart. Bayes' rule now runs spam filters and medical diagnosis and the learning of machines, and it has split the discipline into two philosophical camps that have argued for over a century: those who insist probability can only mean long-run frequency, a hard fact about the world, and those who hold it is fundamentally about states of knowledge, a measure of reasonable belief.10 They use the same equations and disagree, to this day, about what those equations are about — a reminder that even our most successful mathematics can leave the question of its own meaning wide open.
VIII. The taming of chance§
Stand back and the achievement is almost paradoxical in its grandeur: mathematics, the discipline built to capture the necessary and the certain, turned and conquered its own opposite, and found that randomness is not the absence of law but a different country of it. The consequences run through the entire modern world. The whole institution of insurance is nothing but the law of large numbers turned into a business — the pooling of thousands of individually unknowable fates into a collective near-certainty steady enough to price and sell. The whole of statistics, and therefore the empirical spine of every science, is the art of hearing a true signal through the noise of chance. And two of the deepest things we know are written in this arithmetic. The warmth coming off this page, and the one-way flow of time itself, are at bottom statistical — the second law of thermodynamics, which says that disorder tends to increase, is the law of large numbers applied to the unfathomable swarm of molecules in a warm body, an overwhelming probability rather than an absolute decree; the companion volume to this book follows that thread all the way to its end.11
And there is a final turn that pushes the old question of this book to its sharpest point yet. In every example so far, the chance was arguably a confession of our ignorance — the coin obeys the deterministic calculus of the last chapter, and if we knew every force on it we could call every toss; probability was the calculus of what we happen not to know. Laplace himself, the great systematizer of the subject, believed exactly this: that an intelligence knowing the position of every particle could dispense with probability altogether and see the whole future laid out. But then, in the twentieth century, quantum mechanics arrived carrying a far more disturbing message — that at the finest grain of reality the chance is not in our knowledge but in the world, that an atom's decay is unpredictable not because we lack information but because the universe itself has not decided, that probability is woven into the bottom of things.12 Einstein refused to believe it to his dying day, insisting that the divine does not play dice; the evidence, stubbornly, has sided against him. If that reading holds, then the arithmetic of maybe is not merely our tool for coping with what we do not know. It is a description of how reality actually is — which would make the framework we built around a gambling table one of the truest things we have ever found, even though we are still arguing about what it means.
We have spent this whole movement watching mathematics widen — new numbers, new ways to catch motion, now a way to grip chance itself. Next it leaves number behind almost entirely, and asks a question that sounds like a child's and turns out to reshape the subject: never mind how big or how many — what shape is a thing, and what about it survives being stretched, bent, and crumpled in the hand?
Sources
- On the long delay between the practice of gambling and the emergence of a mathematics of chance — and the conceptual shifts that finally permitted it around 1660 — see I. Hacking, The Emergence of Probability (Cambridge University Press, 1975), and F. N. David, Games, Gods and Gambling (Griffin, 1962). [secondary] ↩
- The “problem of points”: an incorrect proportional solution appears in Luca Pacioli's Summa de arithmetica (1494); the correct treatment is in the 1654 correspondence between Blaise Pascal and Pierre de Fermat, prompted by the Chevalier de Méré (Antoine Gombaud). See K. Devlin, The Unfinished Game: Pascal, Fermat, and the Seventeenth-Century Letter that Made the World Modern (Basic Books, 2008), and A. W. F. Edwards, Pascal's Arithmetical Triangle (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Gerolamo Cardano, Liber de ludo aleae (“Book on Games of Chance,” written c. 1564, published posthumously 1663), which contains early but unsystematic probabilistic reasoning. See O. Ore, Cardano, the Gambling Scholar (Princeton University Press, 1953). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Christiaan Huygens, De ratiociniis in ludo aleae (“On Reasoning in Games of Chance,” 1657), the first printed treatise on probability, which introduced the concept of mathematical expectation (expected value). [primary] ↩
- Jacob (Jakob) Bernoulli, Ars Conjectandi (“The Art of Conjecturing,” published posthumously, 1713), which states and proves the first version of the law of large numbers (“Bernoulli's theorem”): that the observed frequency of an event converges to its probability as the number of independent trials increases. [primary] ↩
- Abraham de Moivre derived the normal (bell) curve as the limiting approximation to the binomial distribution for large numbers of trials, in a 1733 supplement later incorporated into The Doctrine of Chances (2nd ed., 1738). [primary] ↩
- Pierre-Simon Laplace developed the general central limit theorem and systematized the whole subject in his Théorie analytique des probabilités (1812); see also S. M. Stigler, The History of Statistics: The Measurement of Uncertainty before 1900 (Harvard University Press, 1986). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Carl Friedrich Gauss connected the normal distribution to the theory of observational error and least squares in Theoria motus corporum coelestium (1809) — hence “Gaussian.” Adolphe Quetelet applied the curve to human and social measurements, introducing l'homme moyen (“the average man”) in Sur l'homme et le développement de ses facultés (1835). See Stigler, The History of Statistics. [primary / secondary] ↩
- Thomas Bayes, “An Essay towards solving a Problem in the Doctrine of Chances,” communicated by Richard Price and published in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society (1763), two years after Bayes's death — the origin of Bayes's theorem and of “inverse” probability; independently developed and popularized by Laplace. See S. B. McGrayne, The Theory That Would Not Die (Yale University Press, 2011). [primary / secondary] ↩
- On the enduring interpretive divide between frequentist conceptions of probability (long-run frequency; see John Venn, The Logic of Chance, 1866, and later Richard von Mises and R. A. Fisher) and Bayesian/epistemic conceptions (degree of belief), see A. Hájek, “Interpretations of Probability,” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, and Hacking, The Emergence of Probability. [secondary] ↩
- On the statistical interpretation of the second law of thermodynamics — entropy increase as overwhelming probability among molecular configurations rather than absolute necessity — see L. Boltzmann's work of the 1870s–1890s and, for an accessible treatment, the companion discussion in any modern text on statistical mechanics. [secondary] ↩
- On probability as apparently fundamental in quantum mechanics: Max Born's probabilistic interpretation of the wavefunction (1926; the “Born rule”), and Einstein's lifelong objection, expressed in his remark that God does not play dice (letter to Max Born, 1926). See M. Born (ed.), The Born–Einstein Letters (Macmillan, 1971). [primary / secondary] ↩
Shapes Numbers Can't Hold
Topology — the geometry that throws away every measurement and keeps only what survives stretching, bending, and crumpling in the hand
I. Geometry with the numbers thrown away§
For seven chapters this book has, in one way or another, been about number — counting it, proving with it, widening it, using it to catch motion and chance. Now mathematics does something that ought to sound impossible: it studies shape while deliberately forgetting every number attached to it. Forget how long the sides are, forget the angles, forget the size, forget all distance whatsoever. Keep only this: what is connected to what, what encloses what, how many holes a thing has, whether it is in one piece. This is topology, and it is a geometry with no ruler and no protractor anywhere in it — which is exactly why the chapter is called what it is, because the things topology cares about are precisely the things a number cannot hold.
The easiest way into it is to imagine that every shape is made of soft, infinitely stretchable rubber. You are allowed to bend it, stretch it, twist it, shrink or swell any part of it — anything continuous — but you may not tear it and you may not glue parts together that were apart. Two shapes count as the same, topologically, if you can deform one into the other under those rules. By this strange new standard a triangle, a square, and a circle are all the same shape — each is just a single loop, and you can push any one of them into any other without tearing or gluing. Their differences, the sharp corners and the straight sides that all of geometry was built to measure, simply do not exist here; they have been stretched away as irrelevant. What is left, when you throw out everything a number could measure, turns out to be deeper and stranger than anyone expected — and it began, like several things in this book, with a puzzle about a walk.
II. The seven bridges§
In the eighteenth century the Prussian city of Königsberg sat on both banks of a river that split around two islands, and the four pieces of the city — two banks and two islands — were joined by seven bridges. The townspeople had a favourite Sunday puzzle: could you devise a walk through the city that crossed every one of the seven bridges exactly once and brought you home where you started? Nobody had ever managed it, but nobody could say whether it was merely difficult or actually impossible. In 1736 the question reached Leonhard Euler — the same Euler who keeps turning up in this book, and who here founded an entire branch of mathematics almost in passing.1
Euler's stroke of genius was to notice what did not matter. The exact map of Königsberg — the shapes of the islands, the lengths of the bridges, the distances between them, the whole geometry of the place — was entirely beside the point. The only thing that could possibly affect the answer was the pattern of connections: which landmasses were joined to which, and by how many bridges. So he threw the map away and kept only that pattern, shrinking each landmass to a single dot and drawing each bridge as a line between dots. And then he reasoned about the dots. Think about any landmass that is not where you start or finish: every time your walk arrives there by one bridge, it must leave by a different one, so the bridges at such a place must come in matching pairs — it must have an even number of them. Only the start and the end of your journey are allowed to have an odd number of bridges. So a walk crossing every bridge once is possible only if at most two landmasses have an odd number of bridges. Euler looked at Königsberg: all four of its landmasses had an odd number. The walk was impossible, and now he could prove it, cleanly, from the structure alone.1 What he had really done was far bigger than settle a parlour game. He had shown that there is a rigorous mathematics of pure connection, in which measurement plays no part at all — and he had drawn, in those dots and lines, the first graph, founding the science that now maps everything from molecules to friendships to the internet.
III. The number that counts holes§
If you are going to do geometry with no measurements, you need some way to tell genuinely different shapes apart — some quantity that does not change when you stretch and bend, a fingerprint that survives all the deformation. The first and most beautiful of these Euler also found. Take any solid with flat faces — a cube, a pyramid, any such polyhedron — and count three things: its corners, its edges, and its faces. Now subtract: corners, minus edges, plus faces. For a cube that is eight corners minus twelve edges plus six faces, which comes to two. For a four-sided pyramid it is five minus eight plus five — two again. For every such solid, no matter how lopsided or many-sided, the answer is always exactly two.2 This unchanging two is the prototype of a topological invariant — a number welded to the shape's fundamental form, indifferent to all the particulars a ruler would fuss over.
And here is what makes it topology rather than arithmetic: deform the solid into a ball — round off all the corners and edges — and the magic number stays two; the ball “is” the cube, topologically, and it carries the same invariant. But now punch a hole through the middle and make a doughnut, and the number is no longer two. It is zero. The invariant has detected something a continuous stretching can never undo: the hole. That, in a single number, is how topology counts holes — not by measuring them, which would be meaningless, but by a quantity that survives every deformation and quietly changes the moment the deep structure changes. (The honest history of even this small formula is a lovely caution, told beautifully by the philosopher Imre Lakatos: for a century mathematicians kept discovering odd shapes — solids with their own internal cavities, frames with holes — that seemed to break it, and the formula survived not by being right the first time but by everyone slowly sharpening what they meant by “solid,” “face,” and “hole” until the exceptions either fit or were honestly set aside. Theorems, it turns out, often grow up through their counterexamples.)3
IV. Why a cup is a doughnut§
This gives topology its single most famous slogan, the one that sounds like a joke and is a precise statement of fact: to a topologist, a coffee cup and a doughnut are the same shape. Picture the cup as a lump of clay. It has exactly one hole — not the bowl that holds the coffee, which is just a dent, but the ring of the handle that your finger goes through. Now slowly reshape the clay without ever tearing it or sealing the hole: flatten the bowl, fatten the handle, let the dent fill in, and the one hole through the handle widens until the whole thing is a plump ring. You have turned the cup into a doughnut, and at no point did you tear or glue. They have the same number of holes — one — and by the only standard topology recognizes, that makes them the same.4
The number of holes — topologists call it the genus — is what sorts surfaces into their fundamental kinds. A sphere has none; the surface of a doughnut has one; a pretzel has a few. And no amount of stretching can ever change that count, which is exactly why it is the right thing to pay attention to: the hole is the part of a shape that distortion cannot reach. This is a wholly different idea of “same shape” from the one geometry spent two thousand years refining. Geometry asks whether two things match down to the last measured angle; topology asks only whether you could deform one into the other with your hands, and counts as identical a vast range of things that look nothing alike. It is the study of what is so deeply true of a shape that you cannot knead it away.
V. The surface with one side§
Once you start taking shape this seriously, you find objects that quietly violate things you did not even know you believed. The cleanest example you can hold in your hand. Take a strip of paper. If you bring the two ends together plainly and tape them, you get a loop — a little cylinder, with two distinct sides (you could paint the outside red and the inside blue) and two distinct edges. But now, before taping, give one end a single half-twist, and then join the ends. What you have made is a Möbius strip, discovered independently by August Möbius and Johann Listing in 1858, and it has one side and one edge.5 Set a pencil on it and draw a line down the middle without lifting the tip; you will come back to your starting point having drawn on what common sense insists are “both sides,” never once crossing an edge, because there is only one side to be on. Run a fingertip along the border and you trace the entire boundary in one unbroken trip, because there is only one edge. And if you cut it all the way along that central line — surely that must fall into two loops — it stubbornly stays in one piece, opening into a single longer band. It is the simplest possible object that has no inside and no outside, only a single continuous surface that has folded the distinction away.
You can push the idea further than paper allows. Imagine bending a Mobius-like surface around until it closes up completely, with no edge left at all — a sealed bottle whose neck curves back and passes through its own wall to join smoothly onto its base, so that there is no boundary anywhere between “inside” and “outside,” because there is no inside. This is the Klein bottle, described by Felix Klein in 1882, and it is a genuinely closed surface with only one side — a container that contains nothing, because it has no in and no out to separate.6 It cannot truly be built in our three dimensions without the neck passing illegally through the wall; to make one properly with no self-crossing you would need a fourth dimension to thread the neck through. These one-sided surfaces are where topology first shows its real teeth: it does not merely re-describe the shapes we know, it reveals shapes our spatial intuition swears cannot exist — and then studies them with perfect rigour. It was Listing, in fact, who in 1847 gave the whole young subject its name, topology, the study of place.
VI. The monsters§
By the late nineteenth century this new freedom had begun to produce things that frightened even the mathematicians who built them — objects so contrary to intuition they were called, only half in jest, monsters. In 1890 Giuseppe Peano constructed a curve — a single continuous line, the path of a moving point that never jumps — that nonetheless passes through every point of a solid square, filling a whole two-dimensional area completely.7 A line with no width that is somehow also a filled region: it should not be possible, and there it was. Worse was brewing in the same direction. Georg Cantor, whose stranger discoveries about infinity await us in a later chapter, had already shown that a line and a plane contain exactly the same number of points — that you can match the points of a humble line segment one-for-one with the points of an entire square, leaving none over — a result so contrary to sense that he wrote to a colleague, I see it, but I do not believe it.
These monsters were not idle freaks; they forced a reckoning, the same kind of reckoning the calculus had been forced into a generation earlier. If a line can fill a square and has as many points as a plane, then what on earth do we mean by dimension — what makes a line one-dimensional and a plane two, if they have the same points and one can fill the other? The rescue came from L. E. J. Brouwer, who in 1911 proved that although you can match a line's points to a plane's, you cannot do it continuously — any matching that does not tear things apart must respect the difference between one dimension and two. Dimension, he showed, is itself a topological invariant, real and unbudgeable, even though the cruder count of points is not.8 Intuition had failed, monsters had appeared, and out of the wreckage topology had to become rigorous about its most basic words — curve, dimension, continuous — which is exactly how, in this book, mathematics tends to grow: not when everything is going smoothly, but when something cherished and obvious turns out to be false.
VII. Poincaré, and the prize that was refused§
The man who turned this growing pile of marvels and monsters into a real theory was Henri Poincaré, one of the last people who could plausibly claim to understand the whole of the mathematics of his day. In a series of papers beginning with his Analysis Situs of 1895, he built the machinery — ways of attaching algebraic objects to shapes so that the algebra remembers the holes — that let topology stop being a cabinet of curiosities and start being a science with real tools.9 And in 1904 he asked a question, almost in passing, that would haunt the subject for a hundred years. It concerns the possible shapes of three-dimensional spaces, and in plain terms it asks: if a closed three-dimensional space is simple enough that every loop you can draw in it can be pulled shut to a point — with no hole anywhere to snag on — must that space be, in essence, the three-dimensional analogue of the surface of a sphere? It feels as though it ought to be obviously true. Proving it consumed many of the century's best topologists and defeated all of them.
The Poincaré conjecture became so famous, and so stubborn, that when a private institute drew up a list of seven great unsolved problems for the new millennium in 2000, it was on the list, with a prize of a million dollars attached. It was solved a few years later, in 2002 and 2003, by a reclusive Russian mathematician named Grigori Perelman, who posted his proof quietly to the internet rather than publishing it in a journal, completing a daring program that used ideas about flowing and smoothing geometry borrowed from the mathematics of heat.10 And then he did something almost unheard of in this book full of bitter scrambles for credit. Offered the Fields Medal, mathematics' highest honour, in 2006, he declined it. Offered the million-dollar prize in 2010, he declined that too, and withdrew from mathematics and from public life altogether, saying, in effect, that if the proof was correct then no other recognition was needed. After all the feuds we have watched — Cardano and Tartaglia, Newton and Leibniz, the poisoned scrambles for priority — here at last was a man who solved one of the hardest problems ever posed and simply walked away from the rewards. It remains, to this day, the only one of the seven millennium problems that has been solved.
VIII. The shape of everything§
It would be easy to mistake all this for a beautiful game — coffee cups and paper twists and impossible bottles — and miss that topology turned out to be one of the most useful languages mathematics has ever produced, precisely because it throws measurement away. By keeping only what survives deformation, it captures the properties of a thing that are most robust, the ones that do not depend on the exact and the fragile. Poincaré's conjecture was never really about doughnuts; it was about the possible shapes of three-dimensional space, which is to say about the possible shapes of our universe, a question cosmologists ask in earnest. The dots-and-lines that Euler drew for the bridges grew into the science of networks that now describes the internet, the brain, and the spread of a disease through a population. Knots, studied topologically, describe how the long molecule of DNA is folded and cut inside every cell. And in physics, whole new states of matter have been found that are distinguished not by any measurable quantity but by a topological invariant — a robustness of structure that earned a Nobel Prize in 2016, and that the companion volume to this book, on the physics of information, has its own reasons to care about.11
The reason topology reaches so far is the same reason it is strange: a property that no amount of stretching or bending can destroy is, almost by definition, a property worth knowing, because the world does a great deal of stretching and bending. An invariant is a promise that survives distortion — and surviving distortion is exactly what you want from anything you hope to rely on.12
And the old question returns once more, with a new flavour. The definitions of topology were hard-won human inventions, hammered out over a century of argument with the monsters — what we should mean by “the same shape,” by “continuous,” by “dimension,” was decided, not discovered, and decided more than once. But what those definitions then reveal is not up to us at all. We did not get to choose that a doughnut has a hole a sphere does not, or that a strip with a half-twist has only one side, or that you cannot smoothly comb flat the hair on a ball without leaving a cowlick somewhere — which is why, as it happens, there is always at least one point on the windy Earth where the wind is perfectly still. We built the rules of the game with great care; the facts that follow from them were waiting, indifferent to our care, exactly as firm as if we had found them lying in the ground.
We have been studying shape with the numbers thrown away. Next we put one number back — a single quantity called curvature — and follow it to the most consequential idea this book will touch: that the space we live in is not the flat stage Euclid assumed but a curved and bending thing, and that gravity itself is nothing but its shape. The door we cracked open in the chapter on Euclid is about to swing all the way open.
Sources
- L. Euler, “Solutio problematis ad geometriam situs pertinentis” (“The solution of a problem relating to the geometry of position,” Commentarii Academiae Scientiarum Petropolitanae, 1736) — the Seven Bridges of Königsberg, widely regarded as the first paper in graph theory and a foundational moment for topology. The phrase geometria situs / analysis situs had been anticipated by Leibniz. See R. J. Wilson, Introduction to Graph Theory (Pearson, 5th ed., 2010). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Euler's polyhedron formula, V − E + F = 2 (vertices minus edges plus faces), communicated by Euler to Goldbach in 1750 and published in 1758; a related result was known earlier to Descartes, so it is sometimes called the Euler–Descartes formula. The left-hand quantity generalizes to the Euler characteristic, which is 0 for a torus. See D. S. Richeson, Euler's Gem: The Polyhedron Formula and the Birth of Topology (Princeton University Press, 2008). [primary / secondary] ↩
- I. Lakatos, Proofs and Refutations: The Logic of Mathematical Discovery (Cambridge University Press, 1976) — a study, organized around the history of Euler's polyhedron formula and its many counterexamples, of how mathematical concepts and theorems evolve through the discovery and accommodation of exceptions. [secondary] ↩
- The classification of closed surfaces by genus (number of holes) and orientability, and the “rubber-sheet” notion of topological equivalence (homeomorphism) under which a coffee cup and a doughnut are the same, are standard; for an accessible account see R. Courant and H. Robbins, What Is Mathematics? (Oxford University Press, 1941), ch. V. [secondary] ↩
- The one-sided band was discovered independently by August Ferdinand Möbius and Johann Benedict Listing in 1858. See Richeson, Euler's Gem, and J. Stillwell, Mathematics and Its History (Springer, 3rd ed., 2010). [primary / secondary] ↩
- The closed, one-sided (non-orientable) surface now called the Klein bottle was introduced by Felix Klein in 1882; it embeds without self-intersection only in four dimensions. The term “topology” (Topologie) was coined by J. B. Listing in Vorstudien zur Topologie (1847); the older name for the field was analysis situs. See Stillwell, Mathematics and Its History. [primary / secondary] ↩
- G. Peano, “Sur une courbe, qui remplit toute une aire plane” (Mathematische Annalen, 1890) — the first space-filling curve, a continuous surjection of an interval onto a square; David Hilbert gave a geometric version in 1891. [primary] ↩
- G. Cantor's 1877 result that a line segment and a square (indeed ℝ1 and ℝ2) have the same cardinality prompted his remark to Dedekind, “I see it, but I do not believe it.” L. E. J. Brouwer's theorem on the invariance of dimension (1911) established that there is no homeomorphism between Euclidean spaces of different dimension, so that dimension is a topological invariant. See Stillwell, Mathematics and Its History. [primary / secondary] ↩
- H. Poincaré, Analysis Situs (Journal de l'École Polytechnique, 1895) and its five complements, which founded algebraic topology (the fundamental group, homology); the Poincaré conjecture was posed in a 1904 complement. See J. Dieudonné, A History of Algebraic and Differential Topology, 1900–1960 (Birkhäuser, 1989). [primary / secondary] ↩
- G. Perelman proved the Poincaré conjecture (and Thurston's geometrization conjecture) in three preprints posted to arXiv in 2002–2003, completing R. Hamilton's program using Ricci flow with surgery. He declined the Fields Medal (2006) and the Clay Mathematics Institute's Millennium Prize (2010). See M. Gessen, Perfect Rigor (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2009); it remains the only solved Millennium Problem. [secondary] ↩
- On topological phases of matter, distinguished by topological invariants rather than by local order parameters, see the 2016 Nobel Prize in Physics, awarded to David J. Thouless, F. Duncan M. Haldane, and J. Michael Kosterlitz “for theoretical discoveries of topological phase transitions and topological phases of matter” (Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, 2016). [secondary] ↩
- On the broad reach of topological methods — from network science and knot theory (including models of DNA topology) to data analysis — see, e.g., G. Carlsson, “Topology and Data,” Bulletin of the American Mathematical Society 46 (2009): 255–308. The “hairy ball theorem” (Poincaré–Brouwer), which implies that there is always a point of zero horizontal wind on Earth, is a standard consequence of topological invariance. [secondary] ↩
The Curving of Space
How a single number called curvature, and a geometry built for no reason at all, became the discovery that gravity is nothing but the shape of space
I. Putting one number back§
The last chapter threw every number away and studied pure shape. This one puts a single number back — one quantity, called curvature — and follows it to what may be the most consequential idea this book will ever touch. Three chapters ago, in the long story of Euclid, we watched a door come open and then deliberately left it ajar. We saw that the awkward fifth postulate, the one about parallel lines, could be denied without contradiction; that there is not one geometry but many, each perfectly consistent; and so that the question of which geometry describes the actual space we live in had stopped being something you could settle by pure thought and become, for the first time, a question for measurement. We promised then that we would come back and walk all the way through that door. Here it is, and on the other side is the strangest and grandest thing in the book: the discovery that the space around you is not the flat, fixed, featureless stage Euclid took for granted, but a thing that bends — and that the bending is what you have been calling gravity your whole life.
To get there we need to understand what it could even mean for space to be curved. The phrase sounds like nonsense at first, or like a trick. A sheet of paper can be curved — but it curves into the third dimension, into a space around it. When we say the space we live in is curved, curved into what? There is no room outside it for it to bend into, no higher space for us to step into and look back and see the warp. The entire idea seems to require an outside that cannot exist. The first person to dissolve that objection was Gauss, and the way he did it is the key that unlocks everything else.
II. Curvature you can feel from inside§
Here is Gauss's liberating insight, and it is worth slowing down for, because it is the hinge of the whole chapter. Curvature does not need an outside. It can be detected entirely from within a surface, by measurements made inside it, with no reference whatsoever to any surrounding space. You do not have to step outside a thing to know that it is curved; you can find out without ever leaving.
Imagine a flat creature — call her a flatlander — living on the surface of a vast sphere, far too large for her to see its overall roundness, knowing nothing of any third dimension, unable even to conceive of “up.” Can she discover that her world is curved, trapped as she is inside its two-dimensional skin? She can, and with nothing but a tape measure and patience. Let her draw an enormous triangle and add up its three angles: on a flat plane they always make exactly a hundred and eighty degrees, but on her sphere they will come to more, and the bigger the triangle the greater the excess. Or let her pace out a great circle — all the points a fixed distance from a centre — and measure around it: on a flat plane the distance around is always the radius times that familiar two-and-a-bit, but on her sphere it will fall short, the circle smaller than its radius has any flat right to be. By these purely internal measurements, never once leaving her surface, she can not only prove her world is curved but say exactly how much. This is the content of the theorem Gauss was so pleased with that he called it the Theorema Egregium, the Remarkable Theorem, in 1827: that the curvature of a surface is intrinsic — a fact about the surface itself, woven into the geometry an inhabitant could measure, owing nothing to how, or whether, the surface sits inside any larger space.1
You meet this theorem every time you flatten something. You cannot press the peel of an orange flat onto a table without tearing or crumpling it, and you cannot wrap a sheet of paper smoothly around a ball — because the flat sheet and the round ball have different intrinsic curvatures, and no mere bending, which preserves intrinsic curvature, can turn one into the other. It is the same reason every flat map of the round Earth must lie about something — distances, or areas, or angles — for the curvature is real and inside the surface, and the page simply cannot hold it. And now the door is open: if a two-dimensional being can discover the curvature of her world from inside it, then so, in exactly the same way, could a three-dimensional being — so could we — discover the curvature of ours. Curved space no longer needs an outside. It only needs measurement.
III. Riemann opens the door§
Gauss had shown how to speak of the intrinsic curvature of a two-dimensional surface. The man who took that idea and blew it open was his own student, Bernhard Riemann — whose name we have already met on a sphere and a great unsolved problem, and who here does the deepest thing of all. In 1854, as a young and desperately shy man, Riemann had to deliver a lecture to qualify for a university post, and the elderly Gauss, who got to choose the topic from a list, chose the hardest one Riemann had offered: the foundations of geometry. What Riemann delivered that day is one of the most visionary lectures in the history of science.2
He generalized Gauss's intrinsic curvature from two dimensions to any number of dimensions, and from surfaces of a single fixed curvature to spaces whose curvature could vary smoothly from place to place — more curved here, flatter there, all of it defined from within, all of it measurable by an inhabitant who could never step outside. He built, in other words, the complete mathematical language of curved space of any dimension: a way to describe a three-dimensional space, or a four-dimensional one, that bends and warps from point to point, with no need for any external room to bend into. And then, near the end, the shy young mathematician said something that should have stopped the room cold. The geometry of physical space, he suggested, the real space of the world, need not be the flat geometry of Euclid at all — it was an empirical question, to be settled by observation; and the curvature of space might be bound up with the physical matter and forces within it. He had no theory of how. He simply saw, sixty years early, that space might be curved and that its shape might be set by what it contains. Then Riemann died young, at thirty-nine, of tuberculosis, and his magnificent geometry sat on the shelf — a complete and beautiful language for describing a curved universe that nobody yet knew they lived in, a key cut precisely for a lock that had not been built.
IV. The happiest thought§
The lock was built in 1907, in the mind of a patent clerk in Bern. Albert Einstein, two years after his miraculous papers on relativity, was sitting at his desk when, as he later put it, there came to him the happiest thought of his life. It was deceptively simple: a man falling freely — off a roof, say — does not feel his own weight.3 In free fall, gravity vanishes from your experience entirely; you float, weightless, exactly as an astronaut does in orbit, who is also simply falling. Turn that around and it cuts the other way too: a person standing in a windowless box has no way to tell whether the box is sitting still on the Earth's surface, with gravity pulling him to the floor, or being hauled through empty space at a steadily increasing speed, the floor accelerating up to meet him. Gravity and acceleration, Einstein realized, are locally indistinguishable — the very same thing wearing two faces.
This equivalence principle carried a revolutionary hint inside it. If gravity can be made to appear or disappear just by changing how you move — if it is something you can erase simply by falling — then perhaps gravity is not a force at all, not a thing reaching across space to pull on masses the way Newton had it, but something about the geometry of motion itself, about the shape of the arena through which things move. Einstein spent the next eight years, the hardest of his life, trying to turn that hint into a theory, and for much of it he was stuck, because he did not have the mathematics to express what he could feel must be true. The mathematics he needed was Riemann's curved geometry — and Einstein, a physicist, did not know it. It was his old friend the mathematician Marcel Grossmann who, when Einstein came to him in despair, went to the library and came back with the answer: the geometry of arbitrarily curved spaces that Riemann had built, for no reason but its own beauty, sixty years before.4 It was exactly, uncannily, the tool the new physics required.
V. Gravity is the shape of space§
What Einstein built with Riemann's geometry, and completed in November 1915, is the theory of general relativity, and its central idea is as strange and as beautiful as anything in human thought.5 Gravity is not a force. Gravity is the curvature of spacetime — of the four-dimensional weave of space and time taken together — and matter and energy are what do the curving. A massive body like the Sun bends the spacetime around it, the way a heavy ball set on a stretched rubber sheet makes a dip; and the planets, the comets, the falling apple, are not being pulled by any force reaching out from the Sun. They are simply travelling along the straightest possible paths available to them — coasting, force-free — through a spacetime that has been curved. The Earth orbits the Sun for the same reason a marble circles the drain of a curved basin: not because anything tugs it inward, but because the ground beneath it is bent, and a straight line through bent ground is a curve. What we have always called the force of gravity is the felt experience of moving through warped space.
The physicist John Wheeler compressed the whole theory into a single unimprovable sentence: matter tells spacetime how to curve, and spacetime tells matter how to move.6 The two halves chase each other in an endless loop — the Sun curves the space, the curved space steers the Earth, and the Earth in its turn curves the space a little too. And notice what has become of the question we left open at Euclid. Near a mass, space really is non-Euclidean; the angles of a vast triangle drawn around the Sun really do add up to more than a hundred and eighty degrees; the fifth postulate genuinely fails in the world, exactly as Bolyai's and Lobachevsky's forbidden geometries had whispered it might. Euclid's flat geometry was never wrong, only local — the approximation you get far from any mass, where the curvature is too slight to notice, just as a small patch of the round Earth looks flat. Newton's law of gravity, that towering achievement, turns out to be the same kind of thing: not false, but the gentle-curvature approximation to Einstein's deeper truth, accurate enough to land us on the Moon and wrong in the fine details near anything heavy.
VI. The bending of starlight§
A theory this strange needed proof, and general relativity made predictions that differed, slightly and testably, from Newton's. The first was waiting in plain sight. The planet Mercury, closest to the Sun and most deeply sunk in its curvature, had long been known to drift in a way Newton's law could not quite explain — the long axis of its orbit slowly swinging around by a tiny amount each century that no one could account for. When Einstein finished his equations in 1915 and used them to compute Mercury's motion, the leftover drift came out exactly right, to the arcsecond, with no fudging.7 Einstein later said that for a few days he could not work, and felt something give way inside him; he had heard the universe answer.
The prediction that made him world-famous was stranger still: that gravity should bend light, because light too must follow the curved geometry of space, so that a ray from a distant star grazing past the Sun should be deflected by a precise, calculable angle — twice what Newton's theory could be coaxed into predicting. You could only test it during a total solar eclipse, when the Sun's blaze is blocked and the stars near its edge become visible. In 1919 the English astronomer Arthur Eddington led expeditions to do exactly that, and the measured deflection of the starlight matched Einstein, not Newton.8 The announcement made headlines around the world; overnight, Einstein became the most famous scientist alive, the man who had bent the heavens and dethroned Newton. And the theory has gone on passing every test put to it for more than a century, in ever finer detail, never once failing.
VII. The shelf, and the sixty years§
Stop here and feel the thing this book has been circling since its second chapter, because nowhere does it strike harder than this. Riemann built the geometry of curved space out of pure mathematics, answerable to nothing, useful for nothing anyone could name, decades before there was any physics that needed it. He did it for the reasons mathematicians always do such things — because the question was beautiful and the structure was there to be found. And then it sat, complete and idle, for sixty years — until a physicist groping for a way to describe gravity discovered that the exact language he needed had already been written, and was waiting on the shelf, cut to fit a universe Riemann never lived to see described. This is the “unreasonable effectiveness” we met long ago, the eerie way mathematics built in freedom keeps turning out to be the truth about the world — and here it appears in its most staggering form, a whole geometry lying in wait for half a century for the reality it secretly described.
And this is not some museum curiosity. The curved spacetime Einstein found is woven through the modern world. The satellite navigation in your phone depends on it utterly: the clocks aboard the satellites, higher up in shallower spacetime curvature, tick measurably faster than clocks on the ground, and if the system did not correct for this warping of time the positions it reports would drift wrong by miles within a single day.9 The theory predicted black holes, regions where the curvature becomes so extreme that space folds up and not even light can climb out — once thought a mathematical fantasy, now photographed. And in 2015, a century after Einstein wrote the equations, instruments of staggering delicacy caught two black holes a billion light-years away spiralling together and felt the collision as a faint shiver in the fabric of spacetime itself — gravitational waves, ripples in the curvature of the universe, rolling outward at the speed of light and passing through the Earth, and through you, stretching and squeezing all of it by less than the width of a proton.10 The companion volume to this book follows that curvature on inward, into the black hole and the paradox at its heart; here it is enough to say that the geometry built for nothing turned out to underwrite everything.11
VIII. Invented or found, in the curve of space§
So we arrive, by way of the grandest example the book can offer, back at its oldest question, and the curve of space puts it as sharply as it can be put. Did Riemann invent the geometry of curved space, or did he discover it? Everything about how he worked says invention. He was answerable to no experiment; he chose his definitions freely; he built his structure as a game of pure logic, for its beauty, with no thought of gravity or starlight or satellites, and he could in principle have built other structures instead. If that is not the free creation of the human mind, nothing is. And yet — everything about how it was used says discovery. Because the geometry Riemann freely invented was already, before he was born and long before Einstein needed it, the true shape of the world. No one decided that spacetime curves, or that matter is what curves it, or that the precise mathematical object Riemann had defined to measure curvature would turn out to be exactly the quantity that governs the falling of an apple and the orbit of Mercury and the bending of starlight. That was not chosen. That was there.
This is the deepest form of the tension this whole book lives inside, and the curve of space does not resolve it so much as press it to its limit. The mathematics is plainly built; the fit is plainly found; and the two facts refuse to be reconciled into either pure invention or pure discovery. We make the language in perfect freedom, and the universe keeps turning out to have been speaking it all along. The door we cracked at Euclid stands all the way open now, and what lies beyond it is not a different geometry from ours but our own actual sky: space is curved, gravity is its shape, and a young man's beautiful useless mathematics was the truth about the heavens for sixty years before anyone looked up and saw it.
We have followed shape, and then the curving of shape. Next we follow something that hides beneath shape and beneath number alike — a single idea, symmetry, that turns out to explain why a tangled equation can be unsolvable, and why the universe bothers to conserve energy at all. Two doomed young people, one dead in a duel at twenty and one written out of the textbooks for being a woman, are waiting on the other side of it.
Sources
- C. F. Gauss, Disquisitiones generales circa superficies curvas (“General Investigations of Curved Surfaces,” 1827), containing the Theorema Egregium: the Gaussian curvature of a surface is intrinsic, determined by measurements within the surface and invariant under bending without stretching. See M. P. do Carmo, Differential Geometry of Curves and Surfaces (Prentice Hall, 1976). [primary / secondary] ↩
- B. Riemann, “Über die Hypothesen, welche der Geometrie zu Grunde liegen” (“On the Hypotheses Which Lie at the Foundations of Geometry”), habilitation lecture delivered at Göttingen on 10 June 1854 (published posthumously, 1868), which generalized intrinsic curvature to manifolds of arbitrary dimension and variable curvature and suggested that the geometry of physical space is an empirical matter possibly determined by the matter within it. See M. Spivak, A Comprehensive Introduction to Differential Geometry, vol. 2 (Publish or Perish, 1979), which includes a translation and commentary. [primary / secondary] ↩
- Einstein's “happiest thought” — that a freely falling observer feels no gravity, the seed of the equivalence principle — dates to 1907 (a review article for the Jahrbuch der Radioaktivität); he later described it as der glücklichste Gedanke meines Lebens. See A. Pais, Subtle Is the Lord: The Science and the Life of Albert Einstein (Oxford University Press, 1982). [primary / secondary] ↩
- On Marcel Grossmann introducing Einstein to the Riemannian (Ricci–Levi-Civita) tensor calculus needed for general relativity, beginning with their joint “Entwurf” paper (1913), see Pais, Subtle Is the Lord, and J. Renn (ed.), The Genesis of General Relativity (Springer, 2007). [secondary] ↩
- A. Einstein, “Die Feldgleichungen der Gravitation” (“The Field Equations of Gravitation,” presented to the Prussian Academy, 25 November 1915), and the full exposition “Die Grundlage der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie” (Annalen der Physik, 1916): gravitation as the curvature of spacetime, with matter–energy as its source. (David Hilbert derived the field equations nearly simultaneously; the physical theory is Einstein's.) [primary] ↩
- The aphorism “Spacetime tells matter how to move; matter tells spacetime how to curve” is John Archibald Wheeler's; see J. A. Wheeler with K. Ford, Geons, Black Holes, and Quantum Foam (Norton, 2000), and C. W. Misner, K. S. Thorne, and J. A. Wheeler, Gravitation (Freeman, 1973). [primary / secondary] ↩
- General relativity accounts exactly for the anomalous precession of Mercury's perihelion — about 43 arcseconds per century unexplained by Newtonian perturbations — which Einstein computed in November 1915 as the theory's first empirical success. See Pais, Subtle Is the Lord, ch. 14. [primary / secondary] ↩
- The deflection of starlight by the Sun — predicted by general relativity at roughly 1.75 arcseconds, twice the Newtonian value — was measured during the total solar eclipse of 29 May 1919 by expeditions organized by Arthur Eddington and Frank Dyson (F. W. Dyson, A. S. Eddington, and C. Davidson, Phil. Trans. R. Soc., 1920), confirming Einstein and making him internationally famous. The original data were noisy and the result has since been confirmed far more precisely. [primary / secondary] ↩
- The Global Positioning System must correct for both general-relativistic (gravitational) and special-relativistic (velocity) time effects on its satellite clocks — a net of about +38 microseconds per day — without which positional errors would accumulate at roughly 10 km per day. See N. Ashby, “Relativity in the Global Positioning System,” Living Reviews in Relativity 6 (2003): 1. [secondary] ↩
- Gravitational waves, predicted by Einstein in 1916, were first directly detected on 14 September 2015 by the LIGO observatories, from the merger of two black holes about 1.3 billion light-years away. B. P. Abbott et al. (LIGO Scientific and Virgo Collaborations), “Observation of Gravitational Waves from a Binary Black Hole Merger,” Physical Review Letters 116 (2016): 061102. [primary] ↩
- On the broader history and the “unreasonable effectiveness” of Riemannian geometry in physics — mathematics developed with no application in view becoming, decades later, the indispensable language of a physical theory — see Pais, Subtle Is the Lord, and the discussion in the second chapter of this book (E. Wigner, 1960). [secondary] ↩
The Symmetry Underneath
One idea, hidden beneath both number and shape, that explains why a certain equation can never be solved and why the universe troubles to conserve energy at all
I. The thing beneath the thing§
This chapter is about a single idea that lies beneath almost everything else in the book — underneath number, underneath shape, underneath the curving of space — and that ties together two things which could not look more unrelated: the reason a certain ordinary-looking equation can never be solved by any formula, and the reason the universe bothers to keep its energy constant from one moment to the next. The idea is symmetry, and the first thing to do is to strip the word of what you think it means.
In ordinary speech, symmetry means a kind of balance — a face, a butterfly, a building whose left matches its right. In mathematics it means something more precise and far more powerful: a symmetry is a transformation that leaves something unchanged. Take a square and rotate it by ninety degrees about its centre; it lands exactly on itself, indistinguishable from how it began — so that rotation is a symmetry of the square. Flip it over across a diagonal; again it falls back onto itself — another symmetry. A symmetry is any move you can make that, when you are done, leaves no trace that you made it. And the deep idea, the one that reorganizes whole continents of mathematics, is this: to understand a thing, study the transformations that leave it unchanged. Stop staring at the object itself and look instead at the complete collection of its symmetries — because that collection, it turns out, has a hidden structure of its own, and that structure often tells you more about the thing than the thing's own surface ever could.
II. The group§
Gather up all the symmetries of a square — every move that leaves it looking identical — and you find there are exactly eight: four rotations (by none, a quarter, a half, and three-quarters of a turn) and four reflections (across the two diagonals and the two lines through opposite edges). This collection is not just a list; it has a structure, because you can combine its members. Do one symmetry and then another — rotate, then reflect — and the result is always, necessarily, another of the eight; you can never escape the set. Every move can be undone by another move in the set. And there is a “do nothing” move that changes nothing at all. A collection of transformations with those properties — closed under combination, every move reversible, containing the do-nothing — is called a group, and group theory, the study of such collections, is the mathematics of symmetry itself.1
The power of the idea is that the group floats free of the thing it came from. The eight symmetries of a square form a particular group with a particular internal structure — which combinations give which results — and that very same structure turns up elsewhere, attached to things that look nothing like a square: certain molecules, certain patterns, certain shufflings of a small set of objects. Once you have the group, you can study the symmetry in the abstract, divorced from any one example, and whatever you learn applies at a stroke to everything that shares it. The group is the pure essence of “what can be done to this without changing what it essentially is” — and it was this abstraction, the leap from symmetric things to the bare structure of their symmetry, that turned out to be one of the most consequential moves in the history of mathematics. It was made, in its sharpest early form, by a teenager with very little time left to live.
III. The unsolvable equation§
Return for a moment to the drama of an earlier chapter. The Italians of the Renaissance had, in a frenzy of feuding genius, found formulas to solve the cubic equation and then the quartic — the equations with an x³ and an x⁴ in them — building on the ancient formula for the quadratic that every schoolchild still learns. Each was a recipe: take the numbers in the equation, combine them with additions and multiplications and the extraction of roots, and out comes the answer. The obvious next conquest was the quintic, the equation with an x⁵. Surely there was a formula for that too, only more complicated; it was merely a matter of finding it. The finest mathematicians tried for nearly three hundred years. Every one of them failed.
The reason they failed is not the one they assumed. They were not simply insufficiently clever. In 1824 a young Norwegian named Niels Henrik Abel — poor, brilliant, and destined to die of tuberculosis at twenty-six, one of the great might-have-beens of mathematics — proved something that should have been impossible to prove: that there is no such formula, that no general recipe of additions, multiplications, and roots can ever solve every quintic, and that three centuries of searching had been a hunt for a thing that does not exist.2 This was a strange and unsettling kind of result — not the solving of a problem but a proof that the problem can never be solved — and it left a deeper question wide open. Why? Why should there be tidy formulas for degrees two, three, and four, and then, at degree five, a wall? What changes? The answer to that “why” is one of the most beautiful things in all of mathematics, and it came from symmetry.
IV. Galois, and the boy who died at twenty§
Évariste Galois was born near Paris in 1811, into a France still convulsing from one revolution and lurching toward the next, and he had perhaps five productive years as a mathematician before he was dead. In that time he answered Abel's “why” so completely that he founded an entire branch of mathematics doing it. His insight was to look not at the equation but at the symmetries of its solutions. Any equation has roots — the values that solve it — and among those roots there are hidden relationships, algebraic truths that bind them together. Galois saw that you could ask which rearrangements of the roots leave all of those relationships intact — which shufflings are, in effect, symmetries of the solution set — and that these symmetries form a group, the group now named after him.3
And here is the staggering thing he proved. Whether an equation can be solved by a formula — by the familiar moves of arithmetic and the taking of roots — depends entirely on the structure of that group. If the group of symmetries can be broken down, in a particular way, into simple, orderly, commuting pieces, the formula exists and the equation is solvable. If the group is too tangled to be broken down like that, no formula can possibly exist. For quadratics, cubics, and quartics, the groups are of the well-behaved kind, and so the formulas are there. For the general quintic, the group of symmetries among its five roots is, for the first time, of the tangled kind — too richly interwoven to come apart into orderly pieces — and that, precisely that, is why there is no quintic formula. A question about algebra had been answered by the architecture of a symmetry. It is hard to overstate how strange and wonderful this is: the solvability of an equation, a matter of pure calculation, turns out to be written in the shape of an invisible group hovering over its roots.
Galois did this at eighteen and nineteen, and almost no one would listen. He failed the entrance examination to France's premier science school — twice. He submitted his discoveries to the Academy of Sciences, and they were mislaid by one reviewer, lost upon the death of another, and pronounced incomprehensible by a third. A passionate Republican in a dangerous time, he was arrested and imprisoned for his politics. And then, in May of 1832, not yet twenty-one, he was drawn into a duel — over a woman, over politics, the truth has never been entirely clear — and shot, and died the next day. There is a famous and genuinely moving story that on the last night before the duel he sat up writing out his mathematical testament in a frantic letter to a friend, scribbling I have no time in the margins as he raced to get it all down.4 The story has been polished by retelling — most of his theory was already written, in those rejected memoirs, and the last night was more a desperate summary than a creation from nothing — but the core of it is true, and the loss is real: one of the most original minds the subject has ever produced, gone at twenty, his work left to gather dust for fourteen years until another mathematician, Joseph Liouville, finally read it, understood it, and gave it to the world. Modern algebra begins, in large part, in the papers of a dead boy.
V. Why symmetry runs deep§
Galois had reached for groups to crack one specific problem about equations. What no one could have guessed is how universal the tool would prove — that the abstract structure of symmetry he had isolated would turn out to organize subject after subject across the whole of mathematics and science. The symmetries of crystals form groups, and counting the possible groups tells you exactly how many fundamentally different kinds of crystal can exist. The repeating symmetries of a wallpaper pattern form groups, and there turn out to be precisely seventeen of them, no more. Even geometry itself was swallowed by the idea: in 1872 Felix Klein proposed that every geometry simply is the study of the properties left unchanged by some group of transformations — that Euclid's geometry is what stays fixed under rigid motions, and the strange curved geometries of earlier chapters are what stay fixed under other groups — so that the bewildering zoo of geometries we met at Euclid's door is tamed at one stroke into a family catalogued by their symmetries.5
Group theory grew into one of the deepest subjects in mathematics in its own right. Its central building blocks, the “simple” groups out of which all finite groups are assembled the way molecules are built from atoms, were the object of one of the most monumental efforts in the history of the field: a complete classification of every possible one, a proof spread across tens of thousands of pages and hundreds of mathematicians over half a century, finishing only in our own era — and culminating in the discovery of a single colossal exceptional structure, with more symmetries than there are atoms in many planets, that goes by the name of the Monster.6 From a teenager's question about a fifth-degree equation had grown a cathedral. But the most astonishing turn of all was not within mathematics at all. It was the discovery that symmetry is the secret machinery of physical law — and that discovery was made by a woman the universities of her country refused to employ.
VI. When symmetry became physics§
Emmy Noether was, by the considered judgement of many who knew the field, one of the greatest mathematicians of the twentieth century. Working at Göttingen in 1918 — drawn there to help untangle a thorny problem about energy in Einstein's brand-new theory of curved-space gravity, the very theory of the last chapter — she proved a theorem so deep and so general that it now underlies nearly all of fundamental physics, and is simply called Noether's theorem.7 It says, in plain words, that every continuous symmetry of the laws of physics gives rise to a conserved quantity — something that cannot change as the world evolves — and conversely, that behind every conservation law stands a symmetry.
Read what that means slowly, because it is one of the most beautiful facts human beings have ever uncovered. Why is energy conserved — why can it never be created or destroyed, only moved and transformed? For centuries this was simply a law, observed and trusted and unexplained, a brute fact about the world. Noether revealed the reason: energy is conserved because the laws of physics are the same today as they were yesterday — because nature has a symmetry under shifts in time, and the conserved shadow of that particular symmetry is precisely what we call energy. And it does not stop there. Because the laws of physics are the same here as they are over there — a symmetry under shifts in space — momentum is conserved. Because the laws do not care which direction you are facing — a symmetry under rotation — angular momentum is conserved, which is why a spinning skater pulls in her arms and speeds up, and why the planets sweep out their orbits as they do. The great conservation laws, the bedrock bookkeeping of the entire physical universe, are not separate brute facts at all. Each one is the visible shadow of a symmetry of nature. Conservation is symmetry, seen from another side.
VII. Not a bathing establishment§
That such a mind had to fight for the right to work at all is one of the quiet scandals of the history of science. When Göttingen's mathematicians, led by the great David Hilbert, wanted to grant Noether the standing to lecture under her own name, the university's faculty objected — not to her ability, which was beyond dispute, but to her sex; a woman, they said, could not be admitted to the teaching faculty. Hilbert's reply has outlived every one of theirs: he did not see, he said, why the candidate's sex should be an argument against her, for after all this was a university and not a bathing establishment.8 For years she lectured anyway, her courses announced under Hilbert's name with a note that she would assist; for years she worked with little or no pay, supported by family and by the loyalty of colleagues who knew exactly what she was.
She also, almost as an aside, remade the whole of algebra — teaching the subject to think in terms of abstract structures rather than particular formulas, so thoroughly that she is justly called the mother of modern algebra, and the abstract style this book has been describing is in large part hers.9 And then, in 1933, the Nazis came to power, and because she was Jewish she was summarily stripped of her position and barred from the university she had adorned. She emigrated to America, to a women's college in Pennsylvania, and was beginning a new life there when she died suddenly, after surgery, in 1935, at fifty-three. Einstein, who did not give such praise lightly, wrote that she had been the most significant creative mathematical genius produced since the higher education of women began. After all the feuds and the prizes and the rivalries this book has chronicled, here is a different kind of injustice — not credit stolen in a quarrel, but a towering talent forced to do its work in the margins, uncredited and unpaid, because of who she was. The symmetry that runs the universe was uncovered by someone her own country would not pay to teach.
VIII. Symmetry, invented and found§
Look at what one idea has done. A teenager reached for symmetry to settle a three-hundred-year-old question about an equation, and in doing so handed mathematics the concept of the group. A century later, a woman barred from the lecture hall reached for the same idea and found that it was the hidden source of the conservation laws that govern all of physical reality. The reason the quintic has no formula and the reason energy is conserved are, at the deepest level, the same kind of reason: both are facts about symmetry, about what can be transformed while something essential stays fixed. A question in the purest algebra and a question in the most fundamental physics turned out to share a single answer — which is the sort of unification that, once you have seen it, makes the whole of mathematics feel less like a sprawl of separate subjects and more like a single thing viewed from many angles.
And group theory has only tightened its grip on physics since. The entire modern account of the elementary particles — the quarks and electrons and the forces between them, the whole standard model of matter — is built on symmetry, the particles themselves understood as consequences of the symmetries the laws of nature obey; the companion volume to this book, tracing the physics of information, swims in these same waters.10 The deepest description we have of what the world is made of is, at bottom, a description of its symmetries.
So the old question once more, and once more it refuses a clean answer. Galois and his successors plainly invented the theory of groups — built it freely, abstractly, to scratch a particular itch, accountable to no experiment. And then the thing they invented turned out to be the structural skeleton of physical law, the reason the universe conserves what it conserves, written into reality long before any human thought of it. Invented to solve an equation; found to be running the cosmos. We keep making these structures in freedom, for our own reasons, and the world keeps turning out to have been built from them all along.
We have been following symmetry — transformations that leave a thing unchanged. Next we follow that thread to its furthest and most radical end, to a way of thinking that says the “things” were never the point at all — that what is truly fundamental is not objects but the relations between them, and that perhaps even the matter of the universe is, at bottom, less a collection of stuff than a web of relationships. It is the most modern idea in this book, and one of the most disorienting.
Sources
- On symmetry as invariance under transformation and the group concept: the abstract definition of a group was given by Arthur Cayley (“On the theory of groups, as depending on the symbolic equation θn = 1,” 1854), building on the permutation groups of Galois and Cauchy. For an accessible account see I. Stewart, Why Beauty Is Truth: A History of Symmetry (Basic Books, 2007). [primary / secondary] ↩
- The unsolvability of the general quintic by radicals is the Abel–Ruffini theorem: Paolo Ruffini gave an incomplete proof (1799), and Niels Henrik Abel a complete one (1824, “Mémoire sur les équations algébriques”). Abel (1802–1829) died of tuberculosis at twenty-six. See J. Stillwell, Mathematics and Its History (Springer, 3rd ed., 2010). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Évariste Galois's theory associates to each polynomial equation a group (the Galois group) of symmetries of its roots; the equation is solvable by radicals if and only if that group is “solvable” in the group-theoretic sense. The general quintic's group is not solvable. See I. Stewart, Galois Theory (Chapman & Hall/CRC, 4th ed., 2015). [primary / secondary] ↩
- On Galois's life, his rejections by the Academy (memoirs lost or dismissed by Cauchy, Fourier, and Poisson), his political imprisonment, and his death in a duel on 31 May 1832 at age twenty — and on the partly mythologized account of his final night's letter to Auguste Chevalier (with its marginal “je n'ai pas le temps”) — see L. Toti Rigatelli, Évariste Galois, 1811–1832 (Birkhäuser, 1996). His work was published by Joseph Liouville in 1846. [secondary] ↩
- Felix Klein's Erlangen Program (Vergleichende Betrachtungen über neuere geometrische Forschungen, 1872) defined a geometry as the study of the properties invariant under a given group of transformations, unifying Euclidean and non-Euclidean geometries by their symmetry groups. On the classification of crystallographic groups (230 space groups in three dimensions) and the 17 wallpaper groups, see Stewart, Why Beauty Is Truth. [primary / secondary] ↩
- The classification of finite simple groups — the “building blocks” of all finite groups — was completed through the combined work of many mathematicians over roughly 1955–2004, in a proof totaling many thousands of journal pages; its largest sporadic group is the Monster, of order roughly 8×1053. See M. Ronan, Symmetry and the Monster (Oxford University Press, 2006). [secondary] ↩
- E. Noether, “Invariante Variationsprobleme” (Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, 1918) — Noether's theorem: every differentiable (continuous) symmetry of the action of a physical system corresponds to a conservation law (time-translation symmetry → energy; spatial-translation symmetry → momentum; rotational symmetry → angular momentum). The work arose from questions about energy conservation in general relativity posed by Hilbert and Klein. See D. E. Neuenschwander, Emmy Noether's Wonderful Theorem (Johns Hopkins University Press, rev. ed., 2017). [primary / secondary] ↩
- On Noether's exclusion from the Göttingen teaching faculty on grounds of sex, and Hilbert's retort — that he did not see why a candidate's sex should count against her, since the university senate “is not a bathing establishment” (Badeanstalt) — see A. Dick, Emmy Noether 1882–1935 (Birkhäuser, 1981). She received the right to lecture (Habilitation) in 1919 but never a full professorship in Germany. [secondary] ↩
- On Noether's transformation of abstract algebra — the structural, axiomatic theory of rings, ideals, and modules (“Idealtheorie in Ringbereichen,” 1921) that earns her the title “mother of modern algebra” — her dismissal by the Nazi regime in 1933, her emigration to Bryn Mawr College, and her death in 1935, see Dick, Emmy Noether, and Einstein's obituary letter to The New York Times (4 May 1935). [primary / secondary] ↩
- On gauge symmetry as the organizing principle of the Standard Model of particle physics — the elementary particles and forces described in terms of the symmetry groups the laws obey — see, for an accessible treatment, F. Wilczek, A Beautiful Question: Finding Nature's Deep Design (Penguin, 2015). [secondary] ↩
Everything Is Relation
The most modern idea in this book — that the “things” were never the point, and that what is truly fundamental may not be objects at all, but the relations between them
I. The things were never the point§
There is a quiet revolution that has been running through mathematics for about a century, and it is the strangest thing this book will ask you to take seriously. It is a change not in what mathematics studies but in what it takes to be fundamental. The old, natural picture is that the world is made of things — numbers, points, shapes, particles — and that these things then happen to stand in various relationships to one another. Things first; relationships second. The revolution turns that exactly around. It proposes that the relationships are what is real and primary, and that the “things” are secondary, even derivative — that an object may be nothing more than a knot of its relationships to other objects, with no separate inner essence of its own at all.
This sounds, at first hearing, like a philosopher's word-game. It is not. It is a concrete and enormously productive way of doing mathematics, and we will climb it in three steps, each more radical than the last. We begin on completely solid ground, with the humble graph — networks of pure connection, where the relationships plainly are the whole story. We go next to a beautiful and abstract branch of modern mathematics, category theory, which takes the relational idea and proves it into a principle: that an object is completely determined by the totality of its relationships, so that its supposed insides can be thrown away without losing anything. And then, at the very end, we step off the solid ground entirely, onto the contested frontier of physics, where a handful of serious people wonder whether physical reality itself might be relational all the way down — an idea I will flag, loudly and repeatedly, as the unproven speculation it currently is.
II. The web that ignores its nodes§
We have already seen, in the chapter on shape, the purest gesture of the relational view: Euler standing before the bridges of Königsberg, throwing away the entire map of the city, and keeping only which landmass connected to which. He kept a graph — dots and the lines between them — and in a graph the dots are almost nothing; you can slide them anywhere on the page, draw them any size, and nothing changes, because the only information a graph carries is which dots are joined. The relationships are the object. The nodes are just somewhere for the relationships to attach.
That apparently thin idea has become one of the most powerful descriptive tools we have, because so much of the world turns out to be best understood as a web whose nodes barely matter. The internet is a graph of machines and the links between them; the brain is a graph of neurons and their connections; an ecosystem is a graph of who eats whom; a society is a graph of who knows whom — and in every case the behavior of the whole is governed far more by the pattern of the connections than by the nature of any individual node.1 Whether a disease becomes a pandemic, whether a power grid survives a fault, whether a rumor reaches everyone or dies out, depends on the shape of the network, on the famous fact that any two people on Earth are linked by only a short chain of acquaintances, on whether a few nodes hoard most of the connections. There is no cleaner proof that relationships can be the whole story than the search engine that organized the modern internet: it ranked a web page's importance not by anything inside the page at all, but purely by its position in the web of links pointing to it. A thing's worth, made entirely out of its relationships. The node, in the end, was beside the point.
III. You are what you relate to§
Networks are the relational idea in its concrete, visible form. In the middle of the twentieth century, mathematicians built the relational idea in its purest and most abstract form, and called it category theory. It was created in 1945 by Samuel Eilenberg and Saunders Mac Lane, and its founding move is breathtakingly austere: study mathematical objects only through the maps between them, and never, ever look inside.2
A category is nothing but a collection of objects together with “arrows” running between them — the structure-respecting ways of getting from one object to another — with a single rule, that arrows can be chained together, composed, one after the next. That is all. Crucially, you are forbidden from asking what the objects “are” on the inside; they are sealed boxes, and the only thing you may know about any box is the pattern of arrows into it and out of it — how it relates to all the other boxes. At first this looks willfully blind, like trying to understand a city while refusing to enter any building and studying only the roads. The early practitioners themselves half-jokingly called the subject “abstract nonsense.” And yet this deliberate blindness turned out to be a superpower. By refusing to look inside objects and attending only to their relationships, category theory could see the deep structural patterns that are common to wildly different parts of mathematics — patterns completely invisible to anyone fixated on what the objects were made of. It learned to define things not by their substance but by their role: to pin down an object uniquely by describing the one particular way it relates to everything around it, a description that turns out to single it out completely without ever once mentioning its contents.
IV. The lemma that says you are your relationships§
The relational view has, at its heart, an actual theorem — one of those quiet results that working mathematicians speak of with a kind of awe, because it says something that sounds philosophical and proves it as cold fact. It is called the Yoneda lemma, and stripped of its machinery it says this: an object is completely and uniquely determined by the totality of its relationships to every other object.3
Sit with what that means. It says you may take any mathematical object, throw away its insides entirely — forget what it “is” — and keep instead only a complete record of how it relates to everything else: all the arrows into it, all the arrows out of it, from and to every object in the category. And you will have lost nothing. That record of relationships contains the whole of the object; from it, the object can be reconstructed exactly, up to the only kind of sameness that matters. The thing simply is its web of relationships; there is no further hidden core that the relationships were clinging to. In the world category theory describes, to be is to be related, fully and without remainder — tell me every way a thing can be mapped to and from everything else, and you have told me everything there is to know about it, because there is nothing else to know. The relational view, which sounded like a slogan, here becomes a proved feature of the mathematical landscape: objects genuinely are nothing but the knots their relationships tie.
V. The mathematics of mathematics§
This relational way of seeing did not stay a curiosity; it became one of the great unifying languages of modern mathematics, a sort of mathematics of mathematics. Because it attends only to the pattern of relationships and ignores the stuff, category theory can notice when two constructions in utterly different fields — an operation in topology, say, and an operation in algebra, and a third in logic — are, structurally, the very same thing wearing three disguises. It became the framework in which the deepest kinship between distant areas of mathematics could be stated and used.4 The towering reconstruction of geometry carried out by Alexander Grothendieck in the latter half of the century — one of the most profound transformations mathematics has ever undergone — was relational to its core, characterizing geometric objects by their relationships rather than their points.
And it leapt the fence into the practical, where it quietly runs a great deal of the modern world's software. The deep correspondence between logical proofs, computer programs, and the arrows of a category — the discovery that a proof, a program, and a relationship are in a precise sense the same kind of thing — underlies whole styles of programming and the design of the languages in which much careful software is now written.5 The relational idea, born of pure abstraction and once dismissed as nonsense, turned out to be both the most unifying lens in mathematics and a working tool in the building of reliable machines. Which raises, irresistibly, the most vertiginous question of all — and here I must change my tone, and start being careful.
VI. The frontier: is reality itself relational?§
Everything in this chapter so far has been established mathematics — graphs and categories are as solid and as proven as anything in this book. Now we cross a line, and I want to mark the crossing in bright paint, because on the far side the ground is much softer. We are leaving mathematics for the edge of physics and philosophy, where the relational idea becomes a genuine and thrilling possibility about the actual universe — and where it is also, at the time of writing, unproven, sharply contested, and quite possibly wrong. I will try to flag clearly, at every step, the difference between what is known and what is merely hoped.
The boldest version comes from quantum mechanics, the physics of the very small, which has resisted a settled interpretation for a century. One reading of it, proposed by the physicist Carlo Rovelli in 1996 and called relational quantum mechanics, takes the relational idea all the way down into the foundations of reality. Its claim is that a physical system simply does not possess definite properties on its own, in absolute terms — that properties exist only relative to other systems, that the state of a particle is not a fact about the particle but a fact about the particle's relationship to whatever it is interacting with, so that there are no observer-independent facts about the world at all, only a web of relations between systems, each defined relative to the others.6 If true, it would mean the relational view is not just a clever way to organize mathematics but the literal nature of physical reality: no things-in-themselves anywhere, only relationships, all the way to the bottom. I find it beautiful. I am obliged to tell you that it is one interpretation of quantum mechanics among several rival ones — the many-worlds picture, the older Copenhagen view, and others — and that these interpretations all make, as far as anyone can yet tell, exactly the same experimental predictions, which means that choosing between them is at present a matter of philosophy and taste, not of evidence. Nobody knows whether reality is relational in this sense. It is a live and serious idea, and it is not a settled fact, and honesty requires holding both of those at once.
VII. Space as a web§
There is a yet more radical place the relational idea reaches, and it is the most speculative thing in this entire book, so let me be blunt before I describe it: what follows is frontier research, a candidate theory with no experimental confirmation whatsoever, in open competition with other candidate theories, and it may simply turn out to be wrong. With that said plainly, it is too beautiful an idea not to show you.
The great unfinished task of modern physics is to unite the curved spacetime of the last chapter's gravity with the quantum mechanics of the very small — a theory of “quantum gravity” — and one serious candidate for it makes space itself relational. In this approach, which grew from an idea of Roger Penrose and was developed into the program called loop quantum gravity, space is not a smooth, continuous stage that exists in advance and inside which things are located.7 Instead, at the very finest scale, space is a network — a web of relationships, called a spin network, whose nodes are tiny quanta of volume and whose links are the adjacencies between them. Space, in this picture, is not a thing that exists and then has things in it; space is the web of relations, and what we experience as smooth distance and volume emerges from the structure of that underlying network the way a fabric emerges from the weave of its threads. There would be no space “underneath” the relationships for them to be relationships in — the relationships would be all there is, and space their large-scale appearance. It is the relational view at its most vertiginous: not objects in space being made of relationships, but space itself being nothing but relationship. And I will say once more, because it matters: this is a hope at the edge of physics, not a result. It competes with other approaches, chief among them string theory; it has so far made no confirmed prediction; and the question of whether it is true is wide, wide open.
VIII. Invented, found, or neither?§
Step back onto solid ground, and notice what the relational view does to the question this whole book has been worrying. We have kept asking, chapter after chapter, whether mathematics is invented or discovered — whether numbers and groups and curved spaces are human creations or eternal things we stumble upon. The relational idea suggests, quietly, that the question may have been malformed from the start, because it assumed there were things — numbers, objects — that had to be either invented or found. But if an object is nothing but its position in a structure of relationships, then perhaps what mathematics studies was never really objects at all. Perhaps it studies structures — patterns of relationship — and the individual “objects” are just the positions in those patterns, no more invented or discovered than the role of “the king's left bishop” is invented or discovered in chess.
This is a real and seriously held philosophical position, called structuralism: the view that a number, for instance, is not an object in its own right but simply a place in the structure of all numbers, defined entirely by its relationships to the others — that there is no more to being the number three than standing where three stands.8 On this view the old dichotomy softens: the structure has the hard, unchosen necessity of something discovered — we cannot make the relationships among the numbers come out any way we like — while the particular objects, the labels and the notation and the choice of what to call a “thing,” carry the contingency of something invented. Mathematics would then be neither pure invention nor pure discovery but the exploration of structures that are real in their necessity and human in their dress. It is, I think, the most honest place this book can come to rest on its central question — not an answer, but a dissolving of the question into something truer.
Whether the physical universe is relational in the same deep way — whether matter and even space are, at bottom, relationships rather than things — is a different matter entirely, and on that I have tried to be scrupulous: it is a genuine and beautiful possibility, taken seriously by serious people, and it is not known, and may not be known for a very long time.9 There is an old, haunting suggestion that at the deepest level the world is made not of stuff but of something more like information — of distinctions and relationships rather than substance — and the companion volume to this book is given over entirely to that thread.10 Here it is enough to have followed the relational idea from a Sunday walk over seven bridges to the trembling edge of a theory of space itself, and to have marked, carefully, where the solid ground ended.
We have followed relation to its vanishing point. Now we turn to confront the one thing that has been lurking, unexamined, behind half the ideas in this book — the infinite. We have used it freely: endless sums, limits, the unending number line, networks without bound. It is time to ask what infinity actually is, and the answer, when a lonely and tormented genius finally found it, was so strange that it broke him, and so dangerous that it lets you cut a ball into pieces and reassemble them into two balls the same size as the first.
Sources
- On network science — the “small-world” phenomenon (S. Milgram's 1967 experiment; D. Watts and S. Strogatz, “Collective dynamics of small-world networks,” Nature, 1998), “scale-free” networks (A.-L. Barabási and R. Albert, Science, 1999), and the link-structure ranking of web pages (S. Brin and L. Page's PageRank, 1998) — see A.-L. Barabási, Linked: The New Science of Networks (Perseus, 2002). [secondary] ↩
- Category theory was founded by S. Eilenberg and S. Mac Lane, “General Theory of Natural Equivalences” (Transactions of the American Mathematical Society, 1945). The affectionate epithet “general abstract nonsense” is usually credited to Norman Steenrod. See S. Mac Lane, Categories for the Working Mathematician (Springer, 2nd ed., 1998). [primary / secondary] ↩
- The Yoneda lemma (after Nobuo Yoneda) implies that an object is determined up to isomorphism by the system of all morphisms into it (its “functor of points”) — informally, that an object is fully characterized by its relationships to all other objects. See Mac Lane, Categories for the Working Mathematician, ch. III, and E. Riehl, Category Theory in Context (Dover, 2016). [secondary] ↩
- On category theory as a unifying language across mathematics, and on Alexander Grothendieck's relational reconstruction of algebraic geometry (schemes, the functor-of-points perspective, topos theory) in the 1960s, see C. McLarty, “The Rising Sea: Grothendieck on Simplicity and Generality,” in Episodes in the History of Modern Algebra (AMS, 2007), and Riehl, Category Theory in Context. [secondary] ↩
- The Curry–Howard–Lambek correspondence relates logical proofs, typed computer programs, and the morphisms of (cartesian closed) categories, underpinning functional programming and the design of statically typed languages. See P. Wadler, “Propositions as Types,” Communications of the ACM 58 (2015): 75–84. [secondary] ↩
- Contested interpretation. C. Rovelli, “Relational Quantum Mechanics” (International Journal of Theoretical Physics 35, 1996), proposes that quantum states are relative to physical systems rather than absolute. It is one of several mutually competing interpretations of quantum mechanics (alongside Copenhagen, many-worlds, pilot-wave, and others) that are, as far as is currently known, empirically equivalent; the choice among them is not settled by experiment. For an overview see the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, entries on “Relational Quantum Mechanics” and “Interpretations of Quantum Mechanics.” [primary / secondary] ↩
- Frontier research, not established physics. Spin networks originate with R. Penrose (“Angular momentum: an approach to combinatorial space-time,” 1971); loop quantum gravity, in which spin networks describe quantum states of geometry, was developed by A. Ashtekar, C. Rovelli, and L. Smolin from the late 1980s. It is one candidate theory of quantum gravity (string theory is another); it has no experimental confirmation to date. See C. Rovelli, Reality Is Not What It Seems (Riverhead, 2017), and, for balance, the absence of empirical tests discussed therein. [primary / secondary] ↩
- Mathematical structuralism — the view that mathematical objects are positions in structures, defined wholly by their relations — is argued in P. Benacerraf, “What Numbers Could Not Be” (Philosophical Review, 1965), and developed by S. Shapiro, Philosophy of Mathematics: Structure and Ontology (Oxford University Press, 1997), and M. Resnik, Mathematics as a Science of Patterns (Oxford University Press, 1997). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Contested philosophy. The thesis that physical reality is, at bottom, structure or relations rather than individual objects — “ontic structural realism” — is defended in J. Ladyman and D. Ross, Every Thing Must Go: Metaphysics Naturalized (Oxford University Press, 2007); it is a live and disputed position in the philosophy of physics, not a consensus view. [secondary] ↩
- The suggestion that information, or relationship, is more fundamental than substance is associated with J. A. Wheeler's slogan “it from bit” (“Information, Physics, Quantum: The Search for Links,” 1989); it is the central theme of this book's companion volume on the physics of information. It remains a speculative and debated proposal. [secondary] ↩
Sizes of Forever
How a lonely and tormented man discovered that infinity is not one thing but an endless ladder of ever-larger infinities — and how taking it seriously lets you cut a ball into two balls the same size
I. The thing behind everything§
The infinite has been standing behind nearly every chapter of this book, and we have politely declined to look at it directly. It was there in the endless sums of the calculus, in the limit that the average speed approaches, in the unending number line, in the networks without bound. We used it constantly and never asked what it actually is. Now, to close this movement, we turn and face it — and what we find is the strangest territory in all of mathematics, a place where the rules of the finite world simply stop applying and a far stranger set takes over.
For most of history, mathematicians handled infinity with tongs, at arm's length. The deep worry, going back to Aristotle, was the difference between a potential infinity — a process that can go on as long as you like, counting or dividing without ever being forced to stop — and an actual infinity, a completed infinite totality grasped all at once, as a finished thing. Potential infinity everyone could live with. The actual, completed infinite was regarded as forbidden, even dangerous; as late as the nineteenth century, the great Gauss himself protested against the use of any infinite quantity as a completed thing, declaring it something that is never permissible in mathematics.1 And then a single man committed exactly the forbidden act — he reached out and seized the completed infinite, treated an endless collection as one finished object you could hold in your hand and measure against another — and discovered, to the horror of his colleagues and eventually his own anguish, that there is not one infinity but an unending hierarchy of them, each unimaginably larger than the last. His name was Georg Cantor.
II. Counting without counting§
To measure one infinity against another, Cantor needed a way to compare the sizes of two collections without counting either — because you cannot count to the end of something endless. The tool he used is so simple a child understands it, and so powerful it remade mathematics. Suppose you want to know whether there are as many left shoes as right shoes in a vast heap, without counting either pile. You need not count. You need only pair them up — one left with one right, over and over — and if every shoe finds exactly one partner with none left over on either side, the two piles are the same size, whatever that size happens to be. This pairing, a one-to-one correspondence, is the very essence of “same number,” deeper even than counting, which is really just pairing things against the fingers or the number-words.
The radical step is to apply this to infinite collections, and the first person to glimpse where it leads was Galileo, who promptly flinched away from it. Galileo noticed that you can pair every counting number with its square — one with one, two with four, three with nine, and so on, forever, each number matched to exactly one square and each square to exactly one number, none left over.2 By the pairing test, then, there are exactly as many perfect squares as there are numbers altogether — even though the squares grow ever rarer and are plainly only a tiny scattering among all the numbers. A part the same size as the whole. Galileo decided that this showed the words “equal,” “greater,” and “less” simply could not be applied to the infinite at all, and he left it there. Cantor's genius was to refuse to flinch — to accept that yes, for infinite collections a part really can be the same size as the whole, that this is not a paradox to be fled but the first strange law of a new country, and to walk forward into it.
III. The infinities that are equal§
Following the pairing test fearlessly, Cantor found that a great many infinities that look wildly different in size are in fact exactly equal. The even numbers can be paired off against all the counting numbers, so there are as many evens as there are numbers altogether. The same goes for the whole numbers stretched out in both directions, positives and negatives together. None of that is too hard to swallow. But then Cantor proved something that genuinely should give you pause: there are no more fractions than there are counting numbers.3
This ought to feel impossible. The fractions are dense beyond imagining — between any two of them, however close, lie infinitely many more; between zero and one alone there are already endlessly many. Surely there are vastly more fractions than there are plain counting numbers, which sit isolated and spread thinly apart. And yet Cantor produced a way to arrange every fraction in a single endless list — a clever zigzag that sweeps through them all in an order, guaranteeing that each fraction appears somewhere at a definite numbered position. And the moment you have them in a numbered list, you have paired them one-to-one with the counting numbers: first, second, third, and so on. The dense, swarming fractions are therefore the very same size of infinity as the sparse counting numbers. Cantor called this size — the size of any infinite collection you can write out in an endless numbered list — the first and smallest infinity, the “countable” one. And for a moment it must have looked as though infinity might be a single size after all, one vast container swallowing everything. That made what came next all the more shattering.
IV. The bigger infinity§
Cantor asked whether the points on a line — all the numbers in their full decimal richness, the endless non-repeating decimals of the irrationals threaded in among the fractions — could also be written out in one endless list. And he proved, by an argument of such clean and devastating economy that it is now famous wherever mathematics is taught, that they cannot. There are too many of them. They are an infinity strictly, provably larger than the counting numbers.4
The argument is worth seeing in full, because it is one of the most beautiful in this book. Suppose someone hands you a list that claims to contain every number between zero and one, each written as an endless decimal, one number per line, numbered first, second, third, and onward forever. Cantor shows you can always construct a number that the list has missed. Look at the first number on the list, and at its first decimal digit; for your new number's first digit, write down something different. Look at the second number on the list, and at its second digit; for your new number's second digit, write something different from that. Take the third number's third digit, and differ from it; and so on, marching down the diagonal of the list forever, always choosing a digit unlike the one you find. When you are done, the number you have built differs from the first number on the list in its first decimal place, from the second number in its second place, from the hundredth in its hundredth place — from every number on the list in at least one place. So it cannot be anywhere on the list. But the list was supposed to contain every number between zero and one. It does not, and no list ever could, because this same diagonal trick will sabotage any list whatsoever, however cleverly built. The conclusion is inescapable and staggering: the points on a single short line segment cannot be counted off even against the whole of the infinite counting numbers. There are more points on an inch of line than there are whole numbers in all of eternity — not merely more, but unlistably, unreachably more. A second infinity, larger than the first.
V. The ladder with no top§
If there are two sizes of infinity, are there three? Cantor proved there is no end to them at all. He showed that from any collection whatsoever you can build a strictly larger one — the collection of all its possible subgroupings — and that this works for infinite collections too, so that from any infinity you can always manufacture a bigger one.5 Infinity, far from being the single ultimate boundary beyond which nothing larger can be conceived, turns out to be a ladder with no top rung — an endless ascending hierarchy of infinities, each one so much vaster than the one below it that the smaller cannot even begin to count out the larger. The word “infinite,” which had always meant the absolute most, the beyond-which-nothing, now named merely the first step onto a staircase climbing forever.
And this opened a question that would torment Cantor to the end of his life. He had the countable infinity of the whole numbers, and the larger infinity of the points on the line. Was there any size of infinity in between these two — larger than the counting numbers, but smaller than the line? Cantor was convinced there was not, that the line was the very next infinity up, with nothing wedged between; this conjecture is called the continuum hypothesis. He tried for decades to prove it and could not, and the failure ground at him terribly. The resolution, when it finally came long after his death, was perhaps the most disquieting answer mathematics has ever returned to a sincere question: the continuum hypothesis can be neither proved nor disproved from the accepted foundations of mathematics. Two great logicians, Kurt Gödel and then Paul Cohen, showed between them that you may add it to the standard axioms or add its denial, and either way mathematics stays perfectly consistent — that the question of what lies between these two infinities has no answer the rules can compel, and that there are equally valid mathematical universes in which it comes out differently.6 It was the first concrete, important, natural question ever shown to be formally undecidable — a door opening onto the limits of knowledge itself, and the subject of our next chapter.
VI. The corrupter of youth§
For all that Cantor's work is now woven into the foundation of modern mathematics, in his own day much of the mathematical world recoiled from it in something close to disgust. The completed infinite was, to many, a metaphysical or theological obscenity, and the hierarchy of ever-larger infinities seemed an affront to reason and perhaps to God. The fiercest opposition came from Leopold Kronecker, a powerful and influential mathematician who had once been Cantor's own teacher, and who held that mathematics should be built only from the whole numbers — that the completed infinite had no place in it at all. Kronecker attacked Cantor's work as humbug, called him a corrupter of youth, and used his considerable influence to block Cantor's papers and to keep him penned in a minor university, barred from the prestigious post in Berlin he longed for.7
Cantor, a sensitive and deeply religious man who believed his transfinite numbers had been shown to him by God, suffered for it. From his late thirties on he was struck by repeated episodes of severe depression, spending long stretches in sanatoria, and he died in 1918 in a psychiatric clinic, undernourished and impoverished in the privations of the First World War.8 It is tempting, and common, to tell this as a simple tragedy of a man driven mad by staring into the infinite, hounded to insanity by his enemies. The truth is gentler on the infinite and harder on no one: Cantor almost certainly suffered from an underlying mood disorder that would have afflicted him whatever he studied, and it is too neat by half to lay his illness at the door of either his mathematics or Kronecker's cruelty. But the hostility was real, and it was cruel, and it darkened a life that had given mathematics one of its greatest gifts. The vindication came, though much of it too late for him to feel. The towering David Hilbert, defending Cantor's theory against the last of its detractors, declared that no one should ever be able to expel mathematicians from the paradise that Cantor had created.9 The paradise held. Cantor's set theory became the bedrock on which nearly all of modern mathematics is now built.
VII. How to double a ball from nothing§
To feel just how alien the infinite truly is — how completely it abandons the intuitions that serve us so well among finite things — consider one last result, proved in 1924 by Stefan Banach and Alfred Tarski, which sounds less like mathematics than like a conjuring trick or a heresy. It says that you can take a solid ball, cut it into a small finite number of pieces — as few as five — move those pieces around using nothing but rigid motions, sliding them and turning them, never stretching or bending or adding a single speck, and reassemble them into two solid balls, each one exactly the same size as the ball you began with.10 Two from one, the same size, out of nothing. And this is not a paradox in the sense of a hidden mistake. It is a theorem. It is proved.
How can the volume simply double? The answer lies in what those five pieces are, and it takes us to the heart of the strangeness of the infinite. The pieces are not solid chunks with smooth surfaces, nothing you could ever cut with a knife. They are infinitely intricate clouds of individual scattered points, dust of a pathological fineness, woven through the ball in a way so wild that they have no volume at all — not zero volume, but no well-defined volume whatsoever, the way some questions have no answer rather than the answer “nothing.” Volume is a notion that simply fails to apply to objects this strange, and so there is no law of volume left for the doubling to violate. The construction also leans on a subtle and once-controversial assumption called the axiom of choice — the principle that you may make infinitely many arbitrary selections at once, with no rule for choosing — which mathematicians eventually accepted as part of the standard foundations precisely because so much of mathematics needs it, even though it permits monsters like this one.11 You could never do this to a real orange; a real orange is a finite heap of atoms, not an infinitely divisible continuum of dimensionless points. But in the idealized mathematical world of perfectly smooth, infinitely divisible matter, the doubling of the ball is rigorously, unavoidably true — a direct and honest consequence of taking the infinite seriously, and a measure of how far the infinite lies from anything our finite hands have ever held.
VIII. The alien country§
Cantor did something that had been thought impossible and very nearly impious: he tamed the infinite, made it an exact and rigorous subject, mapped its first territories — and in mapping it revealed it to be far stranger than anyone had feared. It is not the single serene boundary of the old imagination but an endless ascending ladder of infinities; it contains plain, sincere questions that the laws of mathematics can be proved powerless to answer; and it harbours consequences, like the doubling of the ball, that detonate every intuition we carry over from the finite world. The infinite we had been leaning on so casually all through this book turned out to be a vast and alien country, lawful in its own way but governed by laws unrecognizably unlike our own.
And here the old question of the book takes on its sharpest and most poignant form, because of who Cantor was. He had no doubt whatever that he was discovering, not inventing — he was a convinced Platonist who believed the transfinite numbers existed eternally and that he was merely the instrument through which they were revealed, a conviction shot through with his deep religious faith. Yet the fate of his continuum hypothesis points the other way, toward invention, or toward something stranger than either: for if that question genuinely has no compelled answer, if there are equally consistent mathematical worlds in which the infinities are arranged differently, then in some sense we do not find a single fixed truth about the sizes of infinity — we choose which mathematical universe to inhabit. The most devout discoverer in the history of mathematics opened a door, and on the far side of it lay the strongest evidence the book has yet seen that the deepest truths may not be single, fixed, and waiting, but plural and partly of our own making. Discovered and invented, once more, refusing to come apart — and here, in the realm of the infinite, the seam between them gapes widest of all.
This is where the third movement ends, and where a shadow falls across the whole bright enterprise. We have just met our first crack in mathematics' armour — a true question it cannot answer. The final movement begins by facing that crack directly, and by meeting the gentle, devastating logician who proved that such cracks are not accidents to be patched but a permanent feature of mathematics itself: that any system rich enough to be interesting must contain truths it can never prove. After two thousand years of building toward perfect certainty, mathematics was about to discover the exact edge of its own knowledge.
Sources
- On the ancient and persistent distinction between potential and actual (completed) infinity, see Aristotle, Physics, Book III. Gauss's objection — “I protest against the use of an infinite magnitude as something completed, which is never permissible in mathematics” — is from his letter to H. C. Schumacher, 12 July 1831. See J. W. Dauben, Georg Cantor: His Mathematics and Philosophy of the Infinite (Princeton University Press, 1979). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Galileo Galilei, Two New Sciences (1638), gives the one-to-one correspondence between the positive integers and the perfect squares (“Galileo's paradox”) and concludes that the relations of equal, greater, and less do not apply to infinite quantities. [primary] ↩
- Georg Cantor established that the rational numbers are countable (can be placed in one-to-one correspondence with the natural numbers) via an enumeration; his foundational papers on the theory of infinite sets begin in 1874 (“Über eine Eigenschaft des Inbegriffes aller reellen algebraischen Zahlen,” Crelle's Journal). See Dauben, Georg Cantor. [primary / secondary] ↩
- Cantor's diagonal argument, proving that the real numbers are uncountable (a strictly larger infinity than the natural numbers), appears in “Über eine elementare Frage der Mannigfaltigkeitslehre” (1891); an earlier proof of the same result via nested intervals dates to his 1874 paper. [primary] ↩
- Cantor's theorem — that the set of all subsets of any set is strictly larger than the set itself, so that there is no largest cardinality and the hierarchy of infinities never ends — is part of his mature theory of transfinite cardinals (the alephs), developed through the 1890s (Beiträge zur Begründung der transfiniten Mengenlehre, 1895–97). See Dauben, Georg Cantor. [primary / secondary] ↩
- Cantor's continuum hypothesis (1878) conjectures that there is no set whose cardinality lies strictly between that of the integers and that of the reals. Kurt Gödel proved it consistent with the standard (ZFC) axioms (1940), and Paul Cohen proved its negation also consistent (1963, by the method of “forcing,” for which he received the Fields Medal) — together establishing that it is independent of ZFC. See P. J. Cohen, Set Theory and the Continuum Hypothesis (Benjamin, 1966). [primary / secondary] ↩
- On Leopold Kronecker's opposition to Cantor's set theory — his finitist conviction (encapsulated in his dictum that God made the integers and all else is the work of man), his description of Cantor as a “corrupter of youth,” and his efforts to block Cantor's publications and career — see Dauben, Georg Cantor, and J. J. O'Connor and E. F. Robertson, “Georg Cantor,” MacTutor History of Mathematics archive. [secondary] ↩
- Cantor experienced recurrent severe depression from 1884 onward and died on 6 January 1918 in the Halle sanatorium. Historians caution against the romantic narrative that his mathematics or his opponents “drove him mad”; the consensus is that he likely had an underlying mood disorder (probably bipolar). See Dauben, Georg Cantor, and I. Grattan-Guinness, “Towards a Biography of Georg Cantor,” Annals of Science 27 (1971): 345–391. [secondary] ↩
- David Hilbert, “Über das Unendliche” (“On the Infinite,” 1926): “No one shall expel us from the paradise that Cantor has created.” [primary] ↩
- S. Banach and A. Tarski, “Sur la décomposition des ensembles de points en parties respectivement congruentes” (Fundamenta Mathematicae, 1924) — the Banach–Tarski paradox: a solid ball can be partitioned into finitely many pieces and reassembled by isometries into two balls each congruent to the original. The minimum number of pieces is five (R. Robinson, 1947). See L. M. Wapner, The Pea and the Sun: A Mathematical Paradox (A K Peters, 2005). [primary / secondary] ↩
- The Banach–Tarski construction requires the axiom of choice (E. Zermelo, 1904) and produces non-measurable pieces (sets to which no consistent notion of volume can be assigned). The axiom of choice is independent of the other standard axioms (Gödel 1938; Cohen 1963) and is now generally accepted despite such counterintuitive consequences. See T. Jech, The Axiom of Choice (North-Holland, 1973). [primary / secondary] ↩
The Edges of Knowledge
After two thousand years building toward perfect certainty, mathematics discovered the exact boundary of its own power — the truths it can never prove, and the futures it can never foresee
I. The dream of the perfect machine§
For most of this book mathematics has been winning. Chapter by chapter it has reached out and taken possession of number, of motion, of chance, of shape, of curved space, of symmetry, of the infinite itself — each time turning what looked like mystery into something exact and knowable. By the dawn of the twentieth century this long run of victories had hardened into a magnificent ambition, the oldest dream in the subject brought at last within apparent reach: to place the whole of mathematics on a single, perfect, unshakeable foundation. The dream went all the way back to Euclid and his axioms, but now it had a champion and a plan. The champion was David Hilbert, the most commanding mathematician of his age, and the plan was to write down a finite list of axioms from which every mathematical truth could, in principle, be derived by pure logic — a system that would be complete, proving every truth; consistent, never contradicting itself; and ideally decidable, equipped with a mechanical procedure that could settle any mathematical question whatever.1
It was a vision of mathematics as a perfect machine: feed in any well-posed question, turn the crank of logic, and receive the answer, with the absolute guarantee that the machine could never grind out a falsehood and never jam on a question it could not resolve. Hilbert believed in it with his whole heart. In a famous address he threw down the words that became his epitaph, carved on his tombstone — that in mathematics there is no ignorabimus, nothing we shall be forever ignorant of: we must know, we will know. It was the high-water mark of confidence in the power of the human mind to know without limit. And almost in the same breath that Hilbert spoke those words, a silent, owlish young man of twenty-five had already proved them impossible.
II. The statement that talks about itself§
The young man was Kurt Gödel, and in 1931 he published a paper that did to Hilbert's dream what a single proof rarely does to anything: it killed it, cleanly and permanently.2 His method was a stroke of wholly original genius, and it turned on a trick of breathtaking audacity — he found a way to make mathematics talk about itself.
Gödel devised a scheme, now called Gödel numbering, for translating every mathematical statement, and every proof, into a number — a unique code, so that any sentence of mathematics became a particular giant integer, and the property of being provable became a property of numbers, an arithmetical relationship one could write down in the language of arithmetic itself. With this mirror in place, statements about numbers could secretly be statements about statements, including statements about what could and could not be proved. And then Gödel used the mirror to build a single sentence that, when you decode it, says of itself: this statement cannot be proved. Now watch the trap close. Suppose the statement could be proved. Then what it asserts — that it cannot be proved — would be false, and the system would have proved a falsehood, which means the system contains a contradiction and is rotten through. So if we hold fast to the belief that our mathematics is free of contradiction, the statement cannot be proved. But that is precisely what the statement says about itself. So the statement is true. We are left holding a sentence that is true, and that the system cannot prove. The old liar's paradox — this sentence is false — which had been an idle curiosity for two thousand years, Gödel had reforged into the sharpest instrument in the history of logic, simply by changing false to unprovable.
III. Truth outruns proof§
This is Gödel's first incompleteness theorem, and stated plainly it says: any consistent formal system rich enough to express ordinary arithmetic must contain true statements that it cannot prove.3 Completeness — the first pillar of Hilbert's dream, the promise that every truth could be reached by proof — is not merely hard to achieve. It is impossible. There will always be truths that lie beyond the reach of the axioms, true things the system can never derive.
One might hope to patch the hole: take that unprovable truth and simply add it to the list of axioms, bolting it on by hand. But this rescue fails in the most damning way possible. The moment you enlarge the system, Gödel's construction runs again inside the bigger system and hands you a new true statement that the enlarged system cannot prove. Patch that one too, and a third appears. The wall of unprovable truth does not fall; it merely steps back, and it will step back forever, no matter how many axioms you pile up, so long as the system stays free of contradiction. What Gödel had shown, then, was not a temporary gap in one particular foundation but a permanent feature of mathematics as such: truth is strictly bigger than provability. There is more that is true than can ever be proved, in any system, ever. The crack we met in the last chapter — that lonely question about the sizes of infinity which the axioms could not settle — was no isolated freak. It was the first visible outcropping of a fault line that Gödel showed runs through the whole of mathematics, everywhere and inescapably.
IV. The system that can't trust itself§
Then Gödel proved a second theorem, and if anything it cut deeper. Hilbert's dream had a fallback: even if mathematics could not be shown complete, surely it could at least be shown consistent — proved, once and for all, to be free of hidden contradiction, so that we could trust it never to derive both a statement and its denial. Gödel's second incompleteness theorem says that this too is impossible: no consistent system rich enough for arithmetic can prove its own consistency.4
The implication is quietly staggering. Mathematics cannot, from the inside, certify its own soundness. If you want a proof that some body of mathematics is free of contradiction, you must step outside it and argue from some larger, stronger system — but that larger system, by the very same theorem, cannot vouch for itself, and so you must step outside it in turn, and so on, with no final ground ever reached, no bedrock that certifies itself and brings the regress to rest. The perfect self-guaranteeing machine that Hilbert had envisioned — the mathematics that could prove, from within, that it would never fail — cannot exist. Within a few short pages, a single mind had shown that the two-thousand-year-old dream of attaining perfect, complete, self-certified certainty was not merely beyond our present reach but forbidden in principle, forever. Mathematics remains, as far as anyone knows, magnificently reliable. It simply can never prove that it is.
V. The gentle logician§
The man who set this permanent limit on the power of logic was himself one of the strangest and most affecting figures in the history of thought. Gödel was shy to the point of near-silence, exact in every habit, and possessed of a mind so relentlessly logical that it eventually turned upon him. He spent his later decades at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, where his closest friend was Albert Einstein; the two walked home together nearly every day, the rumpled physicist and the precise young logician deep in conversation, and Einstein is said to have remarked that in his final years he went to his office chiefly for the privilege of walking back with Gödel.5 There is a famous and revealing story from Gödel's American citizenship hearing: studying the Constitution beforehand with his relentless thoroughness, he became convinced he had discovered a logical loophole through which the United States could be turned, legally, into a dictatorship, and he had to be gently steered by Einstein and another friend away from attempting to explain this to the judge.
But the same logic that could find a hidden flaw in a constitution could find hidden menace everywhere, and in Gödel it gradually did. He suffered from a deepening paranoia, above all a terror of being poisoned, and for much of his life he would eat only food that his wife, Adele, had prepared and first tasted for him. When, late in 1977, Adele was hospitalized for an extended period, the safeguard was gone, and Gödel simply stopped eating. He died in January 1978, of starvation — the cause of death recorded as malnutrition brought on by his disturbance of mind — weighing some sixty-five pounds.6 It is a terrible irony, and it would be cheap to make a tidy moral of it; Gödel was a man in the grip of a genuine and untreated mental illness, and the right response is compassion, not a fable about logicians undone by logic. And yet one cannot entirely escape the awful symmetry. The man who proved that no system can secure itself from within was destroyed by a private system of fear that ran on, unchecked and unrefuted, until it consumed him. He had shown the world the limits of proof; he could not reason his own way past the limits of his own mind.
VI. The future you cannot see§
Gödel found one edge of mathematical knowledge: the limit of what can be proved. There is a second edge, entirely different in character, and it concerns the limit of what can be predicted — and it appears even in places where the laws are perfectly known and perfectly deterministic, where there is no question of proof at all, only of foresight. It was discovered, almost by accident, by a meteorologist staring at a printout.
In the winter of 1961, Edward Lorenz was running an early computer simulation of a stripped-down toy weather system, governed by a mere handful of exact, deterministic equations — no randomness anywhere, the future of the little system rigidly fixed by its present. Wanting to re-examine one run, he restarted the computation from the middle by typing in the numbers the printout had given him. The machine had been calculating to six decimal places but printing only three, so where its memory had held a value like 0.506127, Lorenz typed 0.506 — a rounding difference of about one part in a thousand, the sort of negligible discrepancy that common sense says must surely wash out into nothing.8 Instead, the new run tracked the old one for a little while, then began to drift, and then diverged completely, until the two weather patterns bore no resemblance to each other whatsoever. A microscopic change in the starting conditions had grown, with astonishing speed, into a totally different future. The system was utterly deterministic and utterly unpredictable at the same time, and Lorenz understood that he had stumbled onto something profound: in such a system, to forecast the distant future you would need to know the present not just accurately but with infinite precision, because any error, however tiny, doubles and redoubles until it swallows the entire prediction. Determinism, it turned out, does not imply predictability. A clockwork universe can be every bit as unforeseeable as one ruled by chance. The great mathematician Henri Poincaré had caught a glimpse of this same abyss decades earlier, when he found that even three bodies pulling on one another by gravity — the Sun, the Earth, the Moon — can move in a dance so sensitive to their starting arrangement that it defies any tidy formula and any long-range forecast.9
VII. The butterfly and the strange order§
Lorenz gave this phenomenon the name by which the whole world now knows it. In the title of a celebrated lecture he asked whether the flap of a butterfly's wings in Brazil might set off a tornado in Texas — and the butterfly effect entered the language as the emblem of a deep truth about the world: that in a vast range of ordinary systems, the smallest causes can have the largest effects, and the long-term future is therefore sealed off from us no matter how good our instruments or our equations.10 This is why the weather cannot be forecast reliably beyond a week or two, and never will be, by anyone, ever — not for want of better satellites or faster computers, but because the atmosphere itself amplifies the tiniest unmeasured wisp into next week's storm. The dream of a perfectly predictable clockwork cosmos — the all-seeing intelligence we met in the chapter on chance, who knows every particle's position and reads off the entire future — is dead. And it was killed not by randomness, but by the hidden structure of deterministic systems themselves.
Yet here the story takes a turn that keeps it from despair, for chaos is emphatically not the same as mere disorder. When Lorenz plotted the behaviour of his little weather system, tracing its path over time, it never once repeated itself — and yet it never flew apart into randomness either. Instead it traced and retraced an exquisite, intricate, double-looped shape, now famous as the Lorenz attractor, looking uncannily like a butterfly's wings.11 The system was unpredictable in its details — you could never say exactly where on the shape it would be at a given moment — and yet profoundly orderly in its overall form, forever confined to that beautiful structure, never wandering off it. This is the secret heart of chaos: not the absence of order but a new and subtle kind of it, in which precise long-term prediction is impossible while deep pattern reigns. The same strange marriage of unpredictability and hidden order turns up everywhere once you learn to look — in the rhythm of a healthy heart, in turbulent water, in the rise and fall of animal populations, in the very orbits of the planets over millions of years. A second hard and permanent edge of knowledge, and like the first, far more beautiful than the certainty it replaced.
VIII. Knowing the edge§
So the great age of conquest reached its limit, and mathematics discovered the two walls that bound its empire. On one side stands Gödel's wall, the limit of proof: there are truths that no system can ever reach, and no body of mathematics can certify its own soundness from within. On the other side stands Lorenz's wall, the limit of prediction: even with perfect, fully known, deterministic laws, the future of a great many systems is permanently sealed against us. After two thousand years of building steadily toward total certainty and total foresight, mathematics itself proved that certainty and foresight have hard, permanent boundaries — that there are things we cannot prove and things we cannot predict, not by accident or for lack of effort, but as a matter of deep and unbreakable law.
It would be easy to read this as a defeat, a humbling, even a tragedy. I want to suggest the opposite. Mapping the precise boundary of one's own power is not a failure of knowledge but one of its highest achievements — and notice that both walls were found by mathematics, proved with the same full rigour that built everything before them. Knowing exactly where the edge lies, and knowing it with certainty, is itself a profound and hard-won form of knowing. And the limits turn out to be gifts in disguise. Gödel's incompleteness means that mathematics can never be finished, never reduced to the mechanical output of any single machine — that there will always be more to discover, that the subject is inexhaustible, an endless frontier rather than a closed catalogue. Chaos means that even a fully determined world remains genuinely open and surprising, woven through with a beauty — the strange attractors, the order inside the unpredictability — that the old clockwork certainty could never have shown us.
There is a last twist worth marking, for the question that has shadowed this whole book. Gödel was a convinced Platonist, and he regarded his own theorem as evidence for that conviction. If truth genuinely outruns proof — if there are true statements that no formal system we could ever invent will capture — then mathematical truth cannot be merely whatever we can construct from our chosen axioms. There must be more truth than there is construction; and that surplus, Gödel argued, is truth we do not make but find, existing independently of us and of our systems, waiting beyond every wall we build.7 It is a striking reversal: the last chapter, contemplating the sizes of infinity, found its strongest evidence that we choose our mathematical worlds; this one, contemplating the limits of proof, finds its strongest evidence that we discover them. The two deepest results in modern mathematics pull the oldest question in opposite directions at once. The book has now sharpened both horns of that question as far as they will go. In the next chapter, at last, we take it by both horns together, and ask — with everything we have gathered finally in hand — whether mathematics is something the human mind invents, or something it finds already there.
Sources
- On Hilbert's program to provide a complete, consistent, and decidable formalization of mathematics — rooted in his 1900 list of 23 problems and developed through the 1920s — and on his 1930 Königsberg address ending “Wir müssen wissen, wir werden wissen” (“We must know, we will know”), inscribed on his tombstone, see C. Reid, Hilbert (Springer, 1970), and the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, “Hilbert's Program.” [secondary] ↩
- K. Gödel, “Über formal unentscheidbare Sätze der Principia Mathematica und verwandter Systeme I” (“On Formally Undecidable Propositions of Principia Mathematica and Related Systems,” 1931). The technique of Gödel numbering encodes statements and proofs as natural numbers, allowing arithmetic to express claims about its own provability. See E. Nagel and J. R. Newman, Gödel's Proof, rev. ed. (NYU Press, 2001). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Gödel's first incompleteness theorem: any consistent, effectively axiomatized formal system capable of expressing elementary arithmetic contains true sentences not provable within it; adjoining such a sentence as a new axiom yields a larger system with its own unprovable truths. See Nagel and Newman, Gödel's Proof, and P. Smith, An Introduction to Gödel's Theorems (Cambridge University Press, 2nd ed., 2013). [secondary] ↩
- Gödel's second incompleteness theorem: such a system cannot prove its own consistency (a consistency proof requires a strictly stronger system). This defeated the consistency-proof goal of Hilbert's program. See Smith, An Introduction to Gödel's Theorems, and the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, “Gödel's Incompleteness Theorems.” [secondary] ↩
- On Gödel's years at the Institute for Advanced Study, his friendship and daily walks with Einstein, and the citizenship-hearing episode concerning an alleged logical loophole in the U.S. Constitution, see J. W. Dawson, Logical Dilemmas: The Life and Work of Kurt Gödel (A K Peters, 1997), and P. Yourgrau, A World Without Time: The Forgotten Legacy of Gödel and Einstein (Basic Books, 2005). [secondary] ↩
- Gödel suffered from severe paranoia, including a persistent fear of being poisoned; he ate primarily food tasted by his wife, Adele, and after her extended hospitalization he effectively ceased eating. He died on 14 January 1978; the death certificate cited malnutrition and inanition resulting from personality disturbance. He is reported to have weighed about 65 pounds. These facts reflect a serious untreated mental illness and are recounted in Dawson, Logical Dilemmas. [secondary] ↩
- Gödel was an avowed mathematical Platonist who held that his incompleteness results support the objective, mind-independent existence of mathematical truth (since truth provably exceeds what any formal system can derive). See his essays in Kurt Gödel: Collected Works, vol. III (Oxford University Press, 1995), and the discussion in Dawson, Logical Dilemmas. [primary / secondary] ↩
- E. N. Lorenz, “Deterministic Nonperiodic Flow” (Journal of the Atmospheric Sciences, 1963), the founding paper of modern chaos theory, grew from his 1961 discovery that truncating a value from six decimal places to three (e.g., 0.506127 to 0.506) in a simple deterministic weather model led the simulation to diverge completely — “sensitive dependence on initial conditions.” See also E. N. Lorenz, The Essence of Chaos (University of Washington Press, 1993). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Henri Poincaré, in his work on the three-body problem (the prize memoir for King Oscar II of Sweden, 1889–1890), discovered that gravitational systems of three bodies can exhibit extraordinarily complex, sensitive behaviour with no closed-form solution — an early recognition of deterministic chaos. See J. Barrow-Green, Poincaré and the Three Body Problem (American Mathematical Society, 1997). [primary / secondary] ↩
- The term “butterfly effect” derives from the title of Lorenz's 1972 talk, “Predictability: Does the Flap of a Butterfly's Wings in Brazil Set Off a Tornado in Texas?” The popular history of chaos theory is told in J. Gleick, Chaos: Making a New Science (Viking, 1987). [primary / secondary] ↩
- The Lorenz attractor — the butterfly-shaped “strange attractor” traced by the trajectories of Lorenz's 1963 system — illustrates that chaotic systems can be unpredictable in detail yet confined to a precise, intricate, non-repeating geometric structure: order and unpredictability together. See Gleick, Chaos, and Lorenz, The Essence of Chaos. [secondary] ↩
Invented or Found
The question this whole book has been circling — whether mathematics is something the human mind makes, or something it finds already there — taken at last by both horns, and answered as honestly as it can be, which is to say not quite settled
I. The oldest question, taken at last§
Every chapter of this book has carried a question along with it, sometimes openly, more often just beneath the surface, and it is time to stop circling and set it down in the middle of the room. When a mathematician proves a theorem, what has actually happened? Has a human being created something — brought into existence a thing that did not exist before, the way a composer creates a symphony or a legislator creates a law? Or has a human being discovered something — found a fact that was already true, already there, waiting, the way an explorer finds a mountain that stood unclimbed for a million years before anyone arrived to name it? Is mathematics invented, or is it found?1
This is not an idle puzzle, and it is not a matter of mere words. It cuts to what mathematics fundamentally is, and it grows only sharper the more mathematics you have seen — which is why I have made you wait until now, with thirteen chapters of evidence in hand, before facing it directly. The two preceding chapters left it balanced on a knife's edge: the strangeness of the infinite suggested that we choose our mathematical worlds, while the limits of proof suggested that mathematical truth lies beyond any world we could choose. Both cannot be the whole story. I should say plainly, before we begin, what kind of answer to expect, because I will not pretend to more than honesty allows. This is one of the genuinely unsolved problems of human thought, and I am not going to dishonour it with a tidy resolution it does not have. What I can do is lay out the two great cases in their full strength, show you exactly where each one breaks, and then point to the place where, after everything, the evidence of this book seems to me to lean — while marking, clearly, how far that leaning falls short of proof.
II. The case for a world already there§
Begin with the older and, for most working mathematicians, the more natural conviction: that mathematics is discovered, because mathematical things genuinely exist, independently of us, in their own right. On this view — usually called Platonism, after the philosopher who first held that the objects of mathematics belong to a realm more real and more permanent than the shifting physical world — the number seven, the perfect circle, the infinite hierarchy of Cantor's infinities are not human inventions at all. They are objective features of reality, eternal and unchanging, and they were exactly what they are long before any mind existed to consider them. Seven was prime before there were people; it will be prime after the last star goes cold. We did not make these facts; we found them, and we could no more have made them come out differently than an explorer could have decided where to put the Himalayas.2
The deepest evidence for this view is the one that no amount of philosophy has ever quite talked mathematicians out of: the overwhelming, lived feeling of discovery. People who spend their lives at mathematics report, almost unanimously, that it does not feel in the least like making things up. It feels like exploration — like venturing into a landscape that is already there, with its own unyielding contours, a landscape that resists you, surprises you, and refuses to be whatever you might wish it to be.3 You set out to prove one thing and the territory forces another upon you. You stumble, as we have seen again and again in this book, onto structures of breathtaking intricacy that no one designed and that behave in ways no one anticipated — the endless drama of the prime numbers, the infinitely detailed coastline of certain simple equations — and the unmistakable sense is not that you built these things but that you walked far enough to come upon them. Gödel, whose theorem we have just met, held exactly this with great conviction, and regarded that very theorem as support for it: if there are mathematical truths beyond all proof, then truth is something larger than anything we construct, something we discover rather than make.
III. The fit that no one planned§
The feeling of discovery, however vivid, is only a feeling, and on its own it settles nothing — people have felt certain of many things that were not so. But there is a second argument for discovery that is far harder to wave away, because it is not about how mathematics feels from the inside but about what it does in the world. It is the deep mystery the physicist Eugene Wigner named the unreasonable effectiveness of mathematics: the uncanny, unearned precision with which abstract mathematics, pursued for its own sake with no thought of application, turns out to describe the physical universe.4
We have watched this happen repeatedly, and it never quite loses its strangeness. The non-Euclidean geometries were built by pure mathematicians as a logical exercise, an idle question about a single axiom — and sat on the shelf for sixty years until Einstein found that they were the exact language in which the universe writes gravity. The theory of groups was abstract symmetry-bookkeeping — until it turned out to dictate the catalogue of fundamental particles. The imaginary numbers were dismissed as a useless fiction for centuries — until they became indispensable to quantum mechanics, and to the electrical engineering that runs the modern world. Again and again, mathematicians have followed nothing but their own sense of pattern and beauty, into territory that had no conceivable use, only to have physics arrive decades or centuries later and discover that the strange country had been mapped in advance, and mapped exactly. Now ask the question that ought to keep us up at night: if mathematics were simply a free human invention, a game we devised according to rules of our own choosing, why on earth should our inventions keep fitting a universe we did not design and did not consult? We invented chess, too, freely and from nothing — and chess tells us precisely nothing about the orbits of the planets or the structure of the atom. Why is mathematics so utterly different? The most straightforward explanation is the Platonist's: our mathematics matches the world because both the mathematics and the world are expressions of the same independent, pre-existing order, and in doing mathematics we are reading that order directly.
IV. The flaw in the heavenly realm§
It is a powerful case. And it has, at its very heart, a flaw so serious that many philosophers regard it as fatal — a flaw that has nothing to do with whether the abstract realm exists, and everything to do with whether, if it did, we could ever know anything about it. The objection was put in its sharpest modern form by the philosopher Paul Benacerraf, and it is worth feeling its full force.5
Whatever else knowledge is, it seems to require some kind of contact between the knower and the thing known. I know there is a tree in the garden because light reflects from its leaves into my eyes; I know the bell rang because the sound reached my ears; in every ordinary case, the thing I come to know reaches out and touches me, leaves some trace, makes some difference to the physical matter I am made of. But the Platonist's abstract realm, by its own definition, can do no such thing. It lies outside space and time altogether; it is causally inert; it emits no light, makes no sound, exerts no force; nothing whatever flows from it to here. The number seven sends no signal. And so the question becomes pointed to the edge of cruelty: if the objects of mathematics are sealed in a realm that touches nothing physical, by what conceivable means does the physical matter of a human brain ever come to know the first thing about them? How does the news get from that heaven into a skull made of atoms? The Platonist has no good answer, and after decades of trying, no one else does either. This is the great wound in the discovery view: it secures the objectivity of mathematical truth at the price of making mathematical knowledge an outright mystery. It tells us, in one breath, that the truths are really out there, eternal and mind-independent — and in the next breath leaves us unable to explain how a living creature could ever come to touch a single one of them.
V. The case for a human invention§
The mirror-image view says: of course we cannot explain how we contact the abstract realm — there is no abstract realm to contact. Mathematics is a human invention, full stop, and the spooky heaven was a fiction we never needed. There are several versions of this conviction. One holds that mathematics is essentially a game played with marks on paper according to rules we lay down ourselves — that the symbols need not refer to any objects at all, that doing mathematics is manipulating formal patterns much as one moves chess pieces, and that the only question is whether the moves follow the rules, not whether they describe some prior reality.6 Another holds that mathematics is a construction of the human mind — that a mathematical object exists only once we have built it in thought, and that talk of infinite totalities we could never finish constructing is talk without content. A third holds simply that numbers are useful fictions, like the average family with its 2.4 children: immensely convenient, indispensable to science, and no more literally existent than the equator.
The great appeal of all these views is that they make the mystery of knowledge vanish completely. There is nothing transcendent to reach; we are not receiving signals from eternity; we are doing something humans manifestly can do, which is to invent systems of rules and explore their consequences. And the invention view can point to real evidence on its own behalf, evidence we met only two chapters ago. Recall the continuum hypothesis — that sincere, important question about the sizes of infinity which the accepted axioms of mathematics can neither prove nor refute, so that we may consistently assume it true or consistently assume it false, building two different and equally valid mathematical universes.7 If mathematics were a fixed landscape simply waiting to be discovered, how could there be a plain question about it with no determined answer — a fork where we are free to choose either road and reality does not object? That looks far less like discovering a pre-existing fact than like deciding one: like inventing which mathematical world we wish to live in. Here, at least, mathematics behaves exactly as though we are making it up.
VI. The grip we cannot loosen§
And yet the invention view, for all that it dissolves the mystery of knowledge, runs almost immediately into a wall of its own — the mirror image of the one that stopped the Platonist. If mathematics is merely a game we invented, a set of rules we are free to lay down as we please, then why does it grip us so mercilessly, and why will it not let us have what we want? We cannot, by any decree, make seven divisible by three, or persuade the prime numbers to space themselves more evenly, or arrange for the square root of two to come out as a tidy fraction. We try, and the mathematics simply refuses; it forces conclusions upon us that we did not choose, did not expect, and in many a famous case did not want — the impossibility of squaring the circle, the unprovability of our own consistency, the doubling of the sphere. A game whose rules we truly invented from nothing ought to do as we say. This one does not. It pushes back with the hard, indifferent resistance of something that was there before us and does not care what we prefer.
And the wall the invention view cannot climb is the same one that supported Platonism so well: the unreasonable effectiveness. Grant that mathematics is nothing but an elaborate game of human devising — then its uncanny, repeated, predictive grip on the physical universe becomes not just mysterious but very nearly miraculous. Chess is a human invention, and chess has never once predicted the result of an experiment. Mathematics is supposedly the same kind of thing, and mathematics predicts the mass of a particle to eleven decimal places and forecast the bending of starlight before anyone went to look. No account of mathematics as pure invention has ever explained why a game we made up should describe, with such pitiless accuracy, a cosmos that was never a party to the rules. So we arrive at a genuine and uncomfortable deadlock. Each of the two great views is powerful precisely where the other is helpless, and helpless precisely where the other is powerful. Discovery explains why mathematics is objective and why it fits the world, but cannot explain how we know it. Invention explains how we know it and banishes the ghostly realm, but cannot explain why it is objective or why it fits the world. The strength of each is the fatal weakness of the other.
VII. The world is made of pattern§
There is a way of thinking that loosens this deadlock — not by declaring one side the winner, but by suggesting that both sides have been quietly making the same mistake. We met it in the chapter on relation, and the whole book has been preparing the ground for it. The mistake, on this view, is to have been arguing all along about mathematical objects — about whether the number seven is a thing that exists in a heaven, or a thing we invented, or a thing we construct. What if mathematics was never really about objects at all? What if it is about structures — patterns of relationship — and the so-called objects are nothing but positions within those patterns, with no independent existence as things to fight over?8 On this account, the number seven is not an object at all; it is simply the seventh position in the structure we call the counting numbers, defined entirely by how it sits among the others, no more a free-standing thing than “third base” is a free-standing thing apart from the game of baseball.
See how much of the deadlock this dissolves. The agonizing problem of access — how a physical brain could touch an abstract realm — loses much of its sting, because you do not need to journey to any heaven to grasp a structure. Structures are not locked away in a separate world; they are stamped all over this one, wherever the same pattern of relationships recurs. Three apples, three stones, and three notes share a structure, and you meet that structure in the apples; the sixfold symmetry of a snowflake is a group, and you meet it in the falling snow. We come to know structures much as we come to know a melody — not by visiting some ghostly realm where the pure melody resides, but by hearing it played, over and over, in ordinary physical air, until we grasp the pattern that all the playings share. The pattern is real, and its necessity is real, and yet we touch it through plain physical things. And the same move explains the unreasonable effectiveness that tormented both other views: if the physical world is itself, at bottom, a vast web of structure — of relationships, symmetries, and patterns, as the deepest physics of our age increasingly suggests — and if mathematics simply is the disciplined study of structure as such, then it is no longer a miracle that mathematics fits the world. It would be a miracle if it did not. They are not two things that mysteriously correspond; they are the study of structure, and a reality made of structure, meeting where they were always going to meet.
VIII. Where the book rests§
This is where, after everything, the evidence of this book seems to me to lean: toward the view that the old question of invented-or-found is a false division, because it asks us to choose between two things that are both half true of the same underlying reality. The structures mathematics studies have all the hard, unchosen necessity of something discovered — we cannot make the relationships come out as we please, the consequences are forced, the resistance is real, and in that sense mathematics is found. But the dress we put on those structures — the notation, the names, the particular axioms we choose to explore, the decision of which structures are worth our attention — carries all the contingency and freedom of something invented, and in that sense mathematics is made. It is neither pure discovery nor pure invention but the exploration of structures that are real in their necessity and human in their expression. The mathematician is at once an explorer and an artist: the territory is genuinely there, with its own unalterable shape, but every map of it bears the unmistakable fingerprints of the hand that drew it.
I want to be honest about the limits of this, because the whole book has tried to be honest, and the keystone is no place to stop. This structural view is a leaning, not a proof, and it has real troubles of its own. It is comfortable about the structures we find instanced in the physical world — the small numbers, the symmetries we can point to — but it grows much less comfortable about the vast infinite structures that have no physical instance anywhere, the unimaginable infinities of Cantor's higher ladder, which no arrangement of atoms will ever display; for those, the old problem of access quietly returns, and where exactly such uninstanced structures are supposed to live is a question with no settled answer.9 The structuralist has not so much closed the deepest hole as moved it somewhere narrower and less often visited. And there is a further possibility I am bound to name, having spent a whole chapter on the limits of knowledge: that this question may be one we are simply not built to answer — that the nature of mathematical reality might lie, like the nature of consciousness, or like why there is anything at all rather than nothing, in that territory where human minds can frame the question with perfect clarity and yet remain permanently unequipped to settle it.10
If that is so, it is no cause for despair, and I do not offer it as a defeat. Thirteen chapters have earned us the right to stand at this summit and say something that is rarer and harder than a tidy answer: here is the question in its full depth; here are the strongest cases that the finest minds have made on each side; here is precisely where each one breaks; and here, for what it is worth, is where the long evidence seems to lean — and here, marked clearly, is what remains genuinely open. That is not a failure of inquiry. It is what honest inquiry looks like when it reaches the edge of what is known, and it is a far better thing to carry away than a false certainty. We have asked what mathematics is, and have found it to be, very likely, the place where a structured mind meets a structured world — discovering the necessities, inventing the words. Now we turn from what mathematics is to what it has done. For whatever its ultimate nature, this strange activity of ours has reached out of the study and the lecture hall and remade the physical world beyond all recognition — and that story, the story of the world that mathematics built, is where we go next.
Sources
- The dispute over whether mathematics is invented or discovered is a central problem in the philosophy of mathematics; for accessible overviews of the competing positions (Platonism, formalism, intuitionism, nominalism, structuralism), see S. Körner, The Philosophy of Mathematics (Hutchinson, 1960); M. Balaguer, Platonism and Anti-Platonism in Mathematics (Oxford University Press, 1998); and the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, “Philosophy of Mathematics.” [secondary] ↩
- Mathematical Platonism — the thesis that abstract mathematical objects exist independently of minds, language, and the physical world — descends from Plato and is argued in modern form by G. Frege, The Foundations of Arithmetic (1884), and defended vigorously by, among others, K. Gödel and R. Penrose (The Road to Reality, Knopf, 2005). See the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, “Platonism in the Philosophy of Mathematics.” [primary / secondary] ↩
- On the widespread sense among working mathematicians that they discover rather than invent, see G. H. Hardy, A Mathematician's Apology (Cambridge University Press, 1940), who states the Platonist conviction memorably. Gödel's view that mathematical objects are perceived through a faculty of “mathematical intuition” is set out in his “What Is Cantor's Continuum Problem?” (1947; revised 1964), reprinted in Collected Works, vol. II. [primary / secondary] ↩
- E. P. Wigner, “The Unreasonable Effectiveness of Mathematics in the Natural Sciences” (Communications on Pure and Applied Mathematics, 1960), the locus classicus for the puzzle of why abstract mathematics fits the physical world so precisely, including cases where mathematics developed for its own sake long preceded its physical application. [primary] ↩
- P. Benacerraf, “Mathematical Truth” (Journal of Philosophy, 1973), poses the dilemma now called the access (or epistemological) problem for Platonism: a satisfactory account of mathematical truth seems to require mind-independent abstract objects, while a satisfactory account of mathematical knowledge seems to require causal contact with what is known — and causally inert abstract objects cannot provide it. [primary] ↩
- On formalism — mathematics as the rule-governed manipulation of symbols that need not denote objects — see the views associated with the Hilbert school and, in a stricter version, H. B. Curry, Outlines of a Formalist Philosophy of Mathematics (North-Holland, 1951). On intuitionism/constructivism — mathematics as mental construction — see L. E. J. Brouwer's program; on fictionalism — numbers as useful fictions — see H. Field, Science Without Numbers (Princeton University Press, 1980). [primary / secondary] ↩
- That the continuum hypothesis is independent of the standard (ZFC) axioms — provable neither true nor false within them (Gödel 1940; Cohen 1963) — is sometimes taken as evidence that at least some mathematical questions are matters of stipulation rather than discovery. The interpretive significance is itself debated; see the discussion in P. Maddy, Defending the Axioms (Oxford University Press, 2011). [secondary] ↩
- Mathematical structuralism — the view that mathematics studies structures (patterns of relations) and that mathematical “objects” are merely positions within them — is launched by P. Benacerraf, “What Numbers Could Not Be” (Philosophical Review, 1965), and developed in S. Shapiro, Philosophy of Mathematics: Structure and Ontology (Oxford University Press, 1997), and M. Resnik, Mathematics as a Science of Patterns (Oxford University Press, 1997). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Structuralism divides over where structures reside: “ante rem” versions (Shapiro) treat structures as existing independently of their instances — reintroducing a form of the access problem, especially for large infinite structures with no physical instantiation — while eliminative or “in re” versions tie structures to their instances but then struggle to ground uninstantiated infinities. See the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, “Structuralism in the Philosophy of Mathematics,” for the unresolved difficulties. [secondary] ↩
- The suggestion that certain deep questions may lie permanently beyond human cognitive capacity — “cognitive closure” — is associated with C. McGinn (The Problem of Consciousness, Blackwell, 1991) in the case of consciousness; whether it applies to the foundations of mathematics is the author's own conjecture, offered as a possibility rather than a claim. [secondary] ↩
The World It Built
How the most abstract and useless-seeming mathematics — sine waves, the algebra of true and false, the prime numbers — became the invisible machinery on which the entire modern world now runs
I. The most useless thing in the world§
In 1940 the great English mathematician G. H. Hardy sat down to write a small, melancholy, beautiful book about what it had meant to spend a life doing mathematics, and at its heart he placed a boast that he intended as a point of pride. His mathematics, he declared, had never been and would never be of the slightest practical use to anyone. He worked in number theory — the study of the whole numbers and their primes — which he regarded as the purest and most useless branch of all, and he was glad of it; the nobility of real mathematics, he thought, lay precisely in its remoteness from the grubby business of application. He went so far as to give thanks that nothing he had discovered was ever likely to make, for good or ill, the least difference to the world.1
It is one of the most spectacularly wrong predictions ever committed to print by an intelligent man, and the manner of its wrongness is the subject of this chapter. For the truth is very nearly the exact opposite of what Hardy supposed: the most abstract, the most useless-seeming, the most defiantly impractical mathematics has a way of lying quietly in wait for decades or centuries and then becoming, without warning, the indispensable foundation of some technology that remakes human life. We saw the philosophical face of this in the last chapter — the uncanny fit between abstract mathematics and the physical universe that so puzzled Wigner. Now we will see its practical face, which is, if anything, even more astonishing, because it is not merely that mathematics describes the world. It is that mathematics, pursued for nothing but its own beauty, turns out again and again to be the hidden machinery on which the world actually runs. We are going to watch this happen, in detail, three or four times — and the number theory Hardy was so proud to call useless will turn out to be the most consequential of all.
II. Every signal is a chord§
Begin with an idea that arrived two hundred years ago wearing the disguise of a problem about heat. In the early 1800s the French mathematician Joseph Fourier, trying to describe how warmth spreads through a solid body, made a claim so bold that the leading mathematicians of Paris flatly disbelieved it: that any shape of signal whatever, however jagged or irregular, can be built up out of nothing but simple, smooth sine waves — pure tones — added together in the right proportions.2 A square-edged pulse, a spoken vowel, the profile of a mountain range: each is, in Fourier's vision, secretly a chord, a sum of pure frequencies, and there is a precise mathematical recipe — now called the Fourier transform — for taking any signal apart into the exact mixture of frequencies it contains, and for putting it back together again.
It is difficult to overstate how much of the modern world this single idea now carries, because the trick of moving back and forth between a signal and its hidden recipe of frequencies turns out to be the master key to manipulating signals of every kind. When you compress a photograph into a small file, the machine is breaking each patch of the image into frequencies and quietly discarding the ones your eye will never miss; when music is squeezed into a streaming file, the same thing is done with the frequencies your ear cannot hear. Every wireless transmission carves up the airwaves by frequency; every medical scanner that reconstructs a slice through the body, every piece of voice recognition, every spectrum display, every noise-cancelling headphone that listens to the world and generates the precise anti-noise to erase it — all of them live and breathe by Fourier's decomposition. And the whole edifice was made practical in 1965, when a pair of researchers rediscovered a fast way to compute the transform that slashed the labour from hopeless to trivial, and lit the fuse on the entire age of digital signal processing.3 Fourier thought he was solving the flow of heat — a problem whose physics belongs to this book's companion volume rather than here — and in passing he handed the future the mathematics of every signal it would ever send.
III. From the laws of thought to the logic in the chip§
The second idea began even further from any machine — in the purest realm imaginable, the laws of human reasoning itself. In 1854 a self-taught English mathematician named George Boole published a book with the magnificently ambitious title An Investigation of the Laws of Thought, in which he set out to reduce logic to algebra.4 In Boole's system the quantities are not numbers but truth values — true and false, which we may as well write as 1 and 0 — and the operations are not addition and multiplication but the connectives of logic: and, or, not. With these he built a complete algebra of reasoning, in which logical deductions become calculations as exact and mechanical as arithmetic. It was a profound and beautiful achievement, and for the better part of a century it was also, in the most practical sense, perfectly useless — an elegant formalization of thought with nothing in the world to do.
Then, in 1937, a twenty-one-year-old American graduate student named Claude Shannon noticed something that nobody had noticed before, and wrote it up in what may be the most consequential master's thesis ever submitted.5 Shannon saw that the humble electrical switch — a thing that is either on or off, closed or open — obeys exactly the algebra Boole had written down for true and false. A switch is a physical embodiment of a Boolean value; wire switches together in the right patterns, and the circuit will compute any logical function you please, carrying out Boole's algebra of thought in copper and current. This is the conceptual seed of every digital device that has ever existed. The processor in the machine on which you are reading these words contains billions of tiny switches, etched into silicon, arranged into logic gates that perform and, or, and not millions of millions of times a second — and every one of those operations is George Boole's nineteenth-century algebra of pure logic, made physical and set running. Boole tried to capture the laws of thought; he ended up writing the operating manual for the logic inside every chip on Earth.
IV. The bit and the limit§
That same Claude Shannon, eleven years later, did something rarer still: he created an entire science, more or less single-handedly, in one paper. In 1948 he published a work that asked, with complete generality, what it even means to communicate — to send a message from here to there — and in answering it he founded the field we now call information theory, the mathematical bedrock beneath all digital communication, storage, and computing.6 Shannon's first move was to find the natural unit of information itself, the irreducible atom of "this rather than that" — the bit, a single yes-or-no, the answer to one perfectly balanced question — and to show that any message whatsoever, text or image or sound, can be measured, exactly, as a number of bits. He then proved two theorems of extraordinary power and reach. The first set a hard floor on compression: every source of information has a definite quantity of genuine content, and you can squeeze a message down to that limit but, provably, not one bit further. The second was more startling yet. Take any communication channel corrupted by noise — a crackling phone line, a fading radio link, a scratched disc — and Shannon proved that it has a precise capacity, a maximum rate, and that as long as you send information slower than that rate, you can drive the probability of error all the way down to nothing, communicating with perfect reliability through an unreliable channel, by encoding your message cleverly enough.
That second theorem is the reason the digital world works at all. The clever encodings it promised are the error-correcting codes, mathematical schemes that wrap data in just enough redundancy to detect and repair the damage that noise inflicts — and they are everywhere, silently saving every bit you touch.7 They let a scratched disc play flawlessly, a smeared printed square resolve to a clean web address, a faint signal from a space probe four billion miles away arrive without a single error, the memory in your computer survive the occasional cosmic ray. Whenever data crosses a noisy gap — and all real gaps are noisy — Shannon's mathematics is what gets it across intact. I will add only that Shannon's measure of information turned out to have a deep and uncanny kinship with the physical notion of entropy from thermodynamics, a kinship suggesting that information is in some sense a physical quantity like energy or mass — but that thread runs into the heart of physics, and it is the subject of this book's companion rather than this chapter, which keeps to the mathematics and the machines.
V. The useless jewel§
And now we come back to Hardy, and to the branch of mathematics he loved precisely because he believed it could never be put to use. Number theory — the study of the whole numbers, their divisibility, and above all the prime numbers, those indivisible atoms from which every other number is built — is the oldest continuously studied subject in mathematics, reaching back past Euclid, and for almost the whole of that history it was pursued for no reason but its own austere beauty. Gauss, who loved it above all other mathematics, is said to have called mathematics the queen of the sciences and number theory the queen of mathematics — a sovereign precisely in her uselessness, answerable to no application, valued for her perfection alone.8
This is the jewel that Hardy held up in 1940 as the very emblem of pure, impractical thought. The prime numbers had been studied for more than two thousand years; thousands of theorems had been proved about them; and not one of those theorems had ever been of the faintest use to anyone doing anything in the physical world. They were, as far as anyone could tell, the most perfectly useless objects in all of human knowledge — gorgeous, intricate, profound, and good for absolutely nothing. Hardy died in 1947, secure in that conviction. He missed, by roughly thirty years, the discovery that would turn his useless jewel into the single most valuable working tool in the modern world — the mathematics that now stands guard over very nearly every secret on Earth.
VI. The lock made of primes§
The problem that the prime numbers came to solve is an ancient and seemingly impossible one. Two people who have never met, and who can communicate only over a channel that everyone in the world is free to listen to, wish to share a secret — a password, a credit-card number, a private message. It looks flatly impossible: anything one says, the eavesdroppers hear too, so how can a secret ever be established in the open? For all of history the only answer was that the two parties must somehow, in advance, have privately exchanged a shared key. Then, in the 1970s, a handful of researchers found a way to do the impossible, and built what is called public-key cryptography — a method in which everyone is given a public "lock" that anyone may use to seal a message shut, while only the intended recipient holds the private "key" that can open it, so that perfect strangers can exchange secrets in full public view.9
The most famous of these methods rests its entire security on a single beautiful asymmetry hidden in the prime numbers — an operation that is effortless to perform and, as far as anyone on Earth knows, practically impossible to undo. Take two enormous prime numbers, each hundreds of digits long, and multiply them together. The multiplication is trivial; a computer does it in an instant, yielding a still vaster number that is their product. Now hand that product to someone else and challenge them to recover the two primes you began with — to factor it back into its building blocks. There is no known way to do this in any feasible amount of time. For numbers of the size used in practice, every known factoring method, run on all the computers that exist, would take longer than the present age of the universe to succeed. Multiplication is a one-way street: easy going forward, effectively impossible coming back — and that one-way street is the lock. The public key is the giant product, which anyone may use; the private key is the pair of primes, which only the owner knows, and without which the lock cannot be opened. Euclid's ancient, beautiful, useless prime numbers had become the locks and keys of the entire digital age. Every time you buy something online, send a password, or see the little padlock appear beside a web address, you are trusting your secrets to the difficulty of factoring a number into primes — the very mathematics Hardy was so proud could never matter to anyone.
VII. The security that rests on not knowing§
There is something genuinely unsettling lurking at the bottom of this, and it is worth facing squarely, because it ties the triumphant story of this chapter back to the harder truths of the chapters before it. The security of the digital world — of online banking, of commerce, of private communication, of national secrets — rests not on a proof but on a belief. We believe that factoring a large number into its primes is hard. We have tried very hard to do it quickly and failed. But no one has ever proved that no fast method exists, and the question of whether such hard problems are truly hard, or merely hard for us so far, is bound up with one of the deepest unsolved problems in all of mathematics — a problem we will meet properly in the next chapter but one.10 If some clever mathematician were to discover tomorrow a swift way to factor large numbers, the locks guarding the world's secrets would all spring open at once, silently and everywhere.
And this is not merely a philosopher's worry. There already exists, on paper, an algorithm that would shatter these locks — not on any ordinary computer, but on a quantum computer of a kind not yet built at the necessary scale. In 1994 it was shown that a sufficiently powerful quantum machine could factor enormous numbers with ease, breaking in moments the codes that protect us now.11 The race this set off is real and ongoing: cryptographers around the world are now urgently designing a new generation of "post-quantum" codes, built on different mathematical problems believed to resist even a quantum assault, to be in place before such machines arrive. It is a remarkable situation to sit with. The secrets of an entire civilization are guarded, at this moment, by a wall whose strength we have never been able to prove — a difficulty we trust but cannot demonstrate, defended on the believed-but-unproven hardness of a question about the prime numbers. We have built our most critical security on the edge of our own ignorance, and so far, the edge has held.
VIII. The cathedral of invisible mathematics§
Step back far enough and the modern world reveals itself as a vast cathedral of invisible mathematics, its every working surface upheld by structures no one can see. Make a telephone call, and your voice is taken apart into Fourier's frequencies, measured into Shannon's bits, wrapped in error-correcting codes against the noise of the air, and sealed with a lock made of prime numbers — four separate gifts from four corners of pure mathematics, working together in the space of a heartbeat, none of them visible, every one of them essential. The same is true of every image you send, every song you stream, every payment you make, every word that crosses the internet. Beneath the smooth glass surface of the digital age there runs a hidden machinery built entirely out of theorems, and almost every one of those theorems was first proved by someone who had no notion that it would ever be used for anything, and who in several cases took active pride in its uselessness.
This is the deepest practical lesson the history of mathematics has to teach, and it is the strongest argument I know for the pursuit of knowledge with no thought of its use: that the purest mathematics, sought for nothing but its own beauty, is the most reliable source of future power the human race has ever found. The abstract jewel that is good for nothing today becomes, with a regularity that has stopped being a coincidence, the indispensable tool of tomorrow. And notice that this is the triumphant return, in its most concrete possible form, of the mystery the last chapter could not solve. Whether we invented these structures or discovered them — whether the sine waves and the Boolean algebra and the prime-number locks were waiting in some realm to be found, or fashioned by us out of nothing — the plain and staggering fact remains that they fit the machinery of the world as a key fits a lock, fashioned long before the lock they would open was ever conceived. The mathematics was ready before the world needed it, every time. We turn now to the strangest machine that this hidden mathematics has built — a machine made of Boole's logic gates and Shannon's bits, which has begun to do something that no tool has ever done before. It has begun to compute, to learn, and perhaps, in some sense we are still struggling to name, to think.
Sources
- G. H. Hardy, A Mathematician's Apology (Cambridge University Press, 1940), famously asserts the uselessness of pure mathematics, and of number theory in particular — e.g., his claim that no discovery of his was ever likely to make any difference, for good or ill, to the world. The irony that number theory would underpin modern cryptography (and that his “Hardy–Weinberg” result would matter to genetics) is now a stock example. [primary] ↩
- J. Fourier, Théorie analytique de la chaleur (The Analytical Theory of Heat, 1822; first presented to the Paris Institute c. 1807), advanced the claim that arbitrary functions can be represented as sums of sines and cosines (Fourier series), initially met with skepticism from Lagrange and others. See I. Grattan-Guinness, Joseph Fourier, 1768–1830 (MIT Press, 1972). [primary / secondary] ↩
- The fast Fourier transform (J. W. Cooley and J. W. Tukey, “An Algorithm for the Machine Calculation of Complex Fourier Series,” Mathematics of Computation, 1965; anticipated by Gauss c. 1805) reduced the cost of computing the transform from order N² to order N log N, enabling modern digital signal processing. Image and audio compression standards (JPEG, via the discrete cosine transform; MP3, via perceptual frequency coding) are direct applications. See E. O. Brigham, The Fast Fourier Transform and Its Applications (Prentice Hall, 1988). [primary / secondary] ↩
- G. Boole, An Investigation of the Laws of Thought (1854; building on his Mathematical Analysis of Logic, 1847), develops the two-valued algebra of logic (Boolean algebra) with operations corresponding to and, or, and not. [primary] ↩
- C. E. Shannon, “A Symbolic Analysis of Relay and Switching Circuits” (MIT master's thesis, 1937; published in Transactions of the AIEE, 1938), showed that Boolean algebra describes the behaviour of electrical switching circuits — the founding insight of digital logic design. It is widely described as the most influential master's thesis of the twentieth century. See J. Gleick, The Information (Pantheon, 2011). [primary / secondary] ↩
- C. E. Shannon, “A Mathematical Theory of Communication” (Bell System Technical Journal, 1948), founded information theory: the bit as the unit of information (the term suggested by J. Tukey), entropy as a measure of information, the source-coding theorem (a hard limit on lossless compression), and the noisy-channel coding theorem (a channel capacity below which arbitrarily reliable communication is achievable). [primary] ↩
- Error-correcting codes realize Shannon's promise of reliable communication over noisy channels: R. Hamming's codes (1950), Reed–Solomon codes (1960, used in CDs, DVDs, QR codes, and deep-space telemetry), and later near-capacity codes (turbo and LDPC codes). See S. Lin and D. J. Costello, Error Control Coding, 2nd ed. (Prentice Hall, 2004). [secondary] ↩
- The remark that mathematics is the queen of the sciences and arithmetic (number theory) the queen of mathematics is traditionally attributed to C. F. Gauss; see W. Sartorius von Waltershausen, Gauss zum Gedächtniss (1856). On number theory's long history as a “pure” subject, see H. Davenport, The Higher Arithmetic (Cambridge University Press, 1952). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Public-key cryptography was introduced publicly by W. Diffie and M. Hellman, “New Directions in Cryptography” (IEEE Transactions on Information Theory, 1976), and realized in the RSA cryptosystem of R. Rivest, A. Shamir, and L. Adleman (1977/78), whose security rests on the presumed difficulty of factoring large integers. Equivalent methods had been discovered earlier in classified work at GCHQ (J. Ellis, C. Cocks, M. Williamson, c. 1969–74), declassified in 1997. See S. Singh, The Code Book (Doubleday, 1999). [primary / secondary] ↩
- The presumed hardness of integer factorization (and related problems such as the discrete logarithm) is unproven; whether efficient algorithms exist is connected to the P versus NP problem, one of the Clay Mathematics Institute's Millennium Prize Problems. See M. Sipser, Introduction to the Theory of Computation, 3rd ed. (Cengage, 2013), discussed further in this book's chapter on the open frontier. [secondary] ↩
- P. W. Shor, “Algorithms for Quantum Computation: Discrete Logarithms and Factoring” (1994), gives a quantum algorithm that factors integers in polynomial time, which would break RSA-type cryptography on a sufficiently large quantum computer. This motivates ongoing “post-quantum” cryptography (e.g., the U.S. NIST standardization of lattice-based schemes). See the NIST Post-Quantum Cryptography project documentation. [primary / secondary] ↩
The Thinking Machine
How a thought experiment about an imaginary machine defined what it means to compute, built every computer that has ever existed, and produced systems that now do things we once believed only minds could do — whether or not they understand a word of it
I. The question before the machine§
The last chapter ended with a promise to look at the strangest machine that mathematics has built, and we should begin by noticing that, as usual in this book, the machine began as an idea — and an idea about a question almost nobody had thought to ask. We all have a rough sense of what it means to compute: to follow a recipe, a procedure, a fixed set of steps that grinds out an answer without any need for insight or intuition along the way — the way you were taught to do long division as a child, shuffling digits by rote. But what is that, exactly? What does it mean, with full precision, to follow a mechanical procedure? Which problems can be solved this way, and are there any that cannot? Until the 1930s, no one had a rigorous answer, because no one had a rigorous definition of computation itself.
The answer, when it came, was the work chiefly of a young Englishman named Alan Turing, and it turned out to be one of the most fertile ideas in the history of thought. In giving a precise mathematical definition of what a computation is, Turing also, in the same stroke, discovered the blueprint for the general-purpose computer, proved that computation has its own hard and permanent limits, and laid the foundation for everything that would later be called artificial intelligence. This chapter follows that single idea from an imaginary machine made of paper tape all the way to the systems of our own moment that hold conversations and write and reason — and to the genuinely unsettled, genuinely difficult question of whether any of it amounts to thinking. I will be honest, when we reach that question, about how little anyone truly knows.
II. The simplest machine that could compute anything§
In 1936, while still in his early twenties, Turing approached the question by imagining the barest, most stripped-down mechanism that could still be said to follow a procedure at all.1 Picture an endless paper tape divided into squares, each holding a single symbol. Picture a head poised over the tape that can do only a few things: read the symbol on the square beneath it, erase that symbol and write another, and move itself one square to the left or right. And picture a small, fixed table of rules that tells the head, for each combination of the machine's current internal state and the symbol it is reading, exactly what to write, which way to step, and which state to enter next. That is the entire machine. There is no screen, no cleverness, no memory beyond the marks on the tape — only a head shuffling back and forth, changing symbols according to a finite list of instructions.
It looks far too simple to matter, and that simplicity is precisely the point. Turing argued — and this claim, now called the Church–Turing thesis, has stood unshaken ever since — that this humble device can carry out any computation whatsoever. Anything that any human clerk could calculate by following rote rules, anything that any conceivable computing machine of any design could ever compute, can also be computed by one of these little tape-shuffling machines, given the right table of rules and enough time. Computation, that vague and intuitive notion, had been pinned down at last to something utterly definite. And there is a striking piece of evidence that Turing had captured something real and discovered rather than merely invented: at almost exactly the same moment, working entirely independently and from a completely different direction, the American logician Alonzo Church arrived at his own precise definition of computability — and the two definitions, which look nothing alike, turned out to describe exactly the same class of computable things. When two people grasping in the dark from opposite sides close their hands on the identical object, it is hard to believe the object was not already there.
III. One machine to run them all§
Then Turing proved the thing that turned a piece of logic into the modern world. Each of his machines, so far, was a special-purpose device: this rule-table computes sums, that one sorts lists, another checks spelling — a different machine for every task, each frozen into its own table of rules. But Turing showed that there exists a single, special machine — a universal machine — that can imitate any of the others.2 You write out a description of whatever machine you want — its rule-table, encoded as symbols — and feed that description to the universal machine on its tape, as ordinary input; and the universal machine reads the description and proceeds to behave exactly as the described machine would. One fixed piece of hardware that can become any machine at all, simply by being handed a different description to follow.
This is the conceptual birth of the computer, and it is worth pausing to feel how radical it is. It means that the thing the machine does is not built into its physical structure but supplied to it as data — that there is a clean separation between the unchanging machine and the endlessly variable program it reads. The device on which you are reading this is not a calculating tool of fixed purpose, like an abacus or a loom; it is a physical embodiment of Turing's universal machine, a single object that becomes a word processor, a telephone, a camera, a library, or a game depending on nothing but which description — which program — you load into it. Every computer, every phone, every smart device on Earth is the same universal machine wearing a different program, and the program is just marks on the tape. Before Turing there were many machines, each made for one job. He gave us the one machine that could do them all.
IV. The questions no machine can answer§
And then — for this is by now the deepest recurring pattern in the whole of mathematics — Turing found that this magnificent universal power has a hard and permanent boundary, and he found it by exactly the move that undid Hilbert's dream and shook Cantor's infinities: self-reference. There are perfectly precise, perfectly well-posed questions about computation that no computation can ever answer. The most famous is called the halting problem, and it asks something that sounds eminently reasonable: is there a program that can examine any other program, together with its input, and reliably determine whether that program will eventually finish and halt, or instead run forever in an endless loop?3
It would be enormously useful — and Turing proved it is impossible. Imagine we had such a master program; call it the Examiner, and suppose it can take any program and its input and announce, correctly and every time, whether that program halts or runs forever. From the Examiner we can build a second program, the Contrarian, with a perverse design: the Contrarian takes a program as input, secretly asks the Examiner what that program would do if fed a description of itself, and then deliberately does the opposite — if the Examiner predicts that program would halt, the Contrarian loops forever; if the Examiner predicts it would run forever, the Contrarian halts at once. Now spring the trap by asking what the Contrarian does when it is fed a description of itself. If it halts, then by its own construction it must have done the opposite of halting, and run forever; if it runs forever, then it must have done the opposite, and halted. Each possibility contradicts itself, and the only way out is to conclude that the Examiner never existed in the first place: no program can decide, for all programs, whether they halt. This is the precise computational twin of Gödel's incompleteness theorem — indeed the two results are now understood to be two faces of a single underlying limit — and it tells us, with full rigour, that some things are simply not computable, by any machine, ever, no matter how fast or how clever. The edge of knowledge that Gödel had found in the world of proof, Turing now found again in the world of machines.
V. The idea becomes the machine§
All of this — the universal machine, the limits of the computable — was, in 1936, pure mathematics, a thought experiment about a fictional device of paper tape. As with so much in this book, the abstraction came first and the physical reality scrambled to catch up, and here it took barely a decade. Driven hard by the urgencies of the Second World War, in which Turing himself played a celebrated part breaking enemy codes, the first electronic computing machines came into being in the 1940s, and within a few years engineers had built the thing Turing had imagined: a general-purpose, programmable, electronic computer that stored its program and its data together in the same memory, to be read and changed as the computation ran.4 That design — the universal Turing machine rendered in electronics — is the architecture of essentially every computer built since. The logic gates we met in the previous chapter, Boole's algebra of true and false embodied in switches, are its building blocks; Shannon's bits are what flow through it; and Turing's universal machine is the plan according to which the whole thing is arranged. Three strands of pure mathematics, twisted together, became the engine of the age. The mathematics had been waiting, fully formed, for the world to build it.
VI. The machine that learns§
For its first half-century, though, the universal machine had one great limitation that no amount of speed could remedy: it did exactly, and only, what it was explicitly told. Every behaviour had to be spelled out in advance by a human programmer, as a precise sequence of instructions; the machine was a peerless follower of recipes, but it could not write its own, and it could not handle anything its programmers had not anticipated. Tasks that humans find effortless but cannot explain in rules — recognizing a friend's face, understanding a spoken sentence, telling a cat from a dog — defeated it utterly, precisely because no one could write down the rules. The revolution of our own era came from inverting the entire approach. Instead of programming the machine with rules, we now build machines that learn the rules for themselves, from examples.5
The dominant form of this is the artificial neural network, an idea loosely — very loosely — inspired by the brain. The network is built from many simple units arranged in layers, each unit connected to others by links of adjustable numerical strength, and it learns not by being told what to do but by being shown enormous numbers of examples and gradually tuning the strengths of its connections until its outputs come right. Show such a network millions of labelled photographs and it slowly adjusts itself until it can tell a cat from a dog; show it a vast ocean of human writing and it tunes itself until it can continue a sentence, answer a question, carry on a conversation. When these networks are made very deep, with many layers, and trained on staggering quantities of data using staggering amounts of computing power, they have in the past decade produced results that startled even their creators: systems that recognize images and speech, that translate between languages, that play the most demanding games better than any human who has ever lived, that predict the folded shapes of proteins, and that generate fluent, coherent, often strikingly capable language. And here is the crucial and slightly vertiginous fact about all of them: their abilities are not written down anywhere. No human programmed the rules these systems follow, because no human knows them. The competence lives in the billions of finely tuned connection strengths that the training process settled upon, a vast thicket of numbers that no person designed and that, to a real and troubling degree, no person fully understands.
VII. The calculus of thought§
It would be easy to imagine that something so mysterious must run on some new and exotic mathematics. It does not. The machine that learns runs, at bottom, on the mathematics of the earlier chapters of this book, and understanding that strips away a good deal of the mystique while leaving all of the wonder. A neural network is, mathematically, simply an enormous function — a rule that turns inputs into outputs — with millions or billions of adjustable knobs, the connection strengths, built into it. To “train” the network is to solve an optimization problem: to find the setting of all those knobs that makes the function's errors on the examples as small as possible.6
And the method for doing this is one we met long ago, in the chapter on catching motion. The training process measures how the error would change if each knob were turned slightly — that is, it computes the slope of the error with respect to each adjustable parameter — and then nudges every knob a little way in the direction that reduces the error, and repeats, over and over, millions of times, creeping downhill across an unimaginably vast landscape of possible settings toward a valley where the errors are small. The slope is nothing other than the derivative of Newton and Leibniz; the efficient bookkeeping that computes all those billions of slopes at once is an application of the chain rule of calculus; and the whole enterprise of fitting patterns to mountains of noisy examples is built on the mathematics of probability and statistics that we traced in the chapter on chance. The thinking machine, in other words, is the calculus of slopes and the algebra of arrays and the arithmetic of likelihood, applied at a colossal scale to an ocean of data. What looks from the outside like a new kind of magic is, on the inside, the patient mathematics of three and four centuries ago, turning the same crank a trillion times a second. There is something deeply fitting in that — that the most futuristic machine humanity has built should run on the oldest tools in this book.
VIII. Do they think?§
Which brings us to the question everyone actually wants answered, and on which I am obliged to be more honest than confident: when one of these systems holds a fluent conversation, reasons through a problem, or composes a paragraph, is it thinking? Does it understand what it is saying, or is it only producing, by vast statistical machinery, the appearance of understanding? Turing himself foresaw that we would ask this, and he made a famous and characteristically clever sidestep.7 The bare question “can machines think?” he judged too ill-defined to be worth arguing about, since we cannot agree on what thinking is; so he proposed replacing it with a concrete test, an imitation game, in which a machine counts as intelligent if it can converse in a way indistinguishable from a human. It was a brilliant evasion, and it has come back to haunt us, because today's best systems can arguably pass versions of that test — and rather than settling the question, this has only exposed how much the test was always leaving out.
The honest situation is that thoughtful people are deeply divided, and the disagreement is not really about the machines but about what understanding is. On one side stand those who suspect that these systems do not understand anything at all — that they are, in a memorable and contested phrase, mere sophisticated pattern-matchers, producing plausible arrangements of words with no grasp of their meaning, the way a person mechanically following a rulebook could shuffle symbols of a language they do not speak and produce correct sentences without comprehending a single one.8 Such systems can be confidently, fluently wrong; they have no body, no life in the world, no evident inner experience; and to grant them genuine understanding, the skeptics say, is to be fooled by fluency. On the other side stand those who point out that we have no principled reason to insist that understanding must be made of biological neurons rather than silicon — that if a mind is essentially a particular kind of pattern of information-processing, a structure of relationships rather than a special substance, then there is no obvious bar to that pattern being realized in a machine as well as in a brain.9 On this view — which echoes, unmistakably, the structural picture of reality we met in the chapter on relation — the question is not what the system is built of but whether it instantiates the right structure, and that is something we genuinely do not yet know how to determine.
My own honest verdict is that we do not know, and that we cannot yet know, for a reason that goes to the root of everything. We cannot say whether these machines understand, because we do not have a settled account of what understanding is — nor of its deepest companion, consciousness, the sheer fact that it is like something to be a thinking creature at all.10 We have built machines whose inner workings we already cannot fully follow, and we are trying to judge whether they possess a property we cannot define, using tests we do not trust. That is not a comfortable place to stand, but it is the true one, and I would rather leave you standing honestly in the unknown than falsely in the certain. What I can say is this: with the thinking machine, mathematics has reached out and touched the edge of mind itself — the one country this whole long expedition has not yet entered. Whether the machines we have built will ever truly think, and what thinking even is, are questions that belong to the study of mind, and they are precisely where the final volume of this little trilogy is bound. Here it is enough, and astonishing enough, to have seen that the line of marks on a paper tape, dreamed up to answer a dry question in logic, led in a single human lifetime to machines that can do very nearly everything we once thought required a mind — and to leave open, honestly, the deepest question of all: whether very nearly everything is the same as everything.
We have followed mathematics out of the cave and all the way to the threshold of thought. Before we close, we must turn and look at what still lies beyond the frontier — the great questions that remain unanswered, the places where the mathematicians of today stand at the rock face in the dark, and the cathedral that, after all these centuries, is still nowhere near finished.
Sources
- A. M. Turing, “On Computable Numbers, with an Application to the Entscheidungsproblem” (Proceedings of the London Mathematical Society, 1936–37), introduces the abstract computing machine now called the Turing machine and a precise notion of computability. A. Church reached an equivalent characterization independently via the lambda calculus (“An Unsolvable Problem of Elementary Number Theory,” 1936); their coincidence is the Church–Turing thesis. See M. Davis, The Universal Computer: The Road from Leibniz to Turing (Norton, 2000). [primary / secondary] ↩
- In the same 1936 paper, Turing describes a universal machine that, given an encoded description of any Turing machine as input, simulates that machine — the theoretical basis for the stored-program, general-purpose computer (one device that performs any computation, determined by its program). See C. Petzold, The Annotated Turing (Wiley, 2008). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Turing (1936) proved the halting problem undecidable: no algorithm can determine, for every program and input, whether the program eventually halts. The proof is a self-reference (diagonal) argument closely related to Gödel's incompleteness theorem; the two results are widely regarded as expressions of a single underlying limit. See M. Sipser, Introduction to the Theory of Computation, 3rd ed. (Cengage, 2013). [primary / secondary] ↩
- The stored-program architecture — in which instructions and data share a single read/write memory — was set out in J. von Neumann's “First Draft of a Report on the EDVAC” (1945) and realized in the first electronic stored-program computers of the late 1940s; it is essentially the universal Turing machine in hardware. On Turing's wartime codebreaking and his role in early computing, see A. Hodges, Alan Turing: The Enigma (Burnett, 1983). [primary / secondary] ↩
- On machine learning and artificial neural networks — from the early artificial neuron (W. McCulloch and W. Pitts, 1943) and the perceptron (F. Rosenblatt, 1958) to the deep-learning era marked by large-scale image recognition (2012), game-playing systems, protein-structure prediction, and large language models — see I. Goodfellow, Y. Bengio, and A. Courville, Deep Learning (MIT Press, 2016). [secondary] ↩
- Training a neural network is an optimization problem solved by gradient descent — iteratively adjusting parameters in the direction that most reduces error — with the gradients computed efficiently by backpropagation, an application of the chain rule of calculus (popularized by D. Rumelhart, G. Hinton, and R. Williams, “Learning representations by back-propagating errors,” Nature, 1986). The method rests on the differential calculus and on probability and statistics. See Goodfellow et al., Deep Learning, chs. 4, 6, 8. [primary / secondary] ↩
- A. M. Turing, “Computing Machinery and Intelligence” (Mind, 1950), proposes replacing the question “Can machines think?” with an operational “imitation game” (the Turing test): a machine is deemed to display intelligence if its conversational responses are indistinguishable from a human's. [primary] ↩
- The view that symbol manipulation alone does not constitute understanding is argued in J. Searle's “Chinese Room” thought experiment (“Minds, Brains, and Programs,” Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 1980). A related contemporary critique of large language models as fluent pattern-matchers without meaning is E. Bender, T. Gebru, et al., “On the Dangers of Stochastic Parrots” (2021). Both the argument and the “stochastic parrot” framing are themselves contested. [primary / secondary] ↩
- Functionalism in the philosophy of mind holds that mental states are defined by their functional or causal role rather than by their physical substrate, implying that the same mind-constituting pattern could in principle be realized in different materials (“multiple realizability”). See H. Putnam's and J. Fodor's foundational papers, and the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, “Functionalism.” This is one position among several and is not settled. [secondary] ↩
- The “hard problem of consciousness” — why physical processing is accompanied by subjective experience at all — is articulated by D. Chalmers, “Facing Up to the Problem of Consciousness” (Journal of Consciousness Studies, 1995), and remains unresolved. The nature of understanding and consciousness is the subject of the final volume of this trilogy and lies beyond the scope of this book. [secondary] ↩
The Unfinished Cathedral
After all the conquests, the greatest questions remain open — the hidden order of the prime numbers, and whether finding is harder than checking — and the living mathematicians of today still stand at the rock face in the dark
I. The cathedral still rising§
There is a temptation, after a book like this one, to imagine that mathematics is essentially finished — a great monument completed long ago, its halls now merely catalogued and admired. Nothing could be further from the truth. Mathematics is less a finished monument than a cathedral still under construction, begun before recorded history and built across the millennia by thousands of hands, each generation raising the walls a little higher on foundations the last one laid — and it is nowhere near complete. More new mathematics is proved in a single year now than in entire centuries of the past; whole continents of the subject did not exist a lifetime ago; and its grandest questions, the ones that go to the very heart of what numbers and computation are, remain stubbornly, gloriously open.
So before we close, we should walk out past the finished work to where the scaffolding is still going up — to the frontier, where the living mathematicians of our own moment stand at the rock face in the dark, chipping at problems that have defeated the greatest minds for a century or more. At the turn of the millennium, a mathematical institute tried to mark out some of this territory by naming seven of the deepest unsolved problems and offering a million-dollar prize for the solution of each; more than two decades later, only one of the seven has fallen.1 We will look closely at two of the others — the two that I think a reader of this book is now best prepared to feel the force of. The first is the deepest question ever asked about the prime numbers. The second is a question about the limits of computation that turns out, secretly, to be a question about creativity itself. And we will end on the heartening truth that some of these ancient problems, after waiting centuries, really do get solved.
II. The music beneath the primes§
Return, one last time, to the prime numbers — those indivisible atoms of arithmetic, 2, 3, 5, 7, 11, 13, and on, from which every whole number is built. We met them in the chapter on the world mathematics built, where their strange difficulty became the lock on every secret. But there is a far older mystery about them, the one that has tormented number theorists for two centuries: the primes appear to be scattered among the ordinary numbers utterly at random, with no pattern and no formula to generate them, and yet they cannot truly be random, because they are completely determined — each one fixed by the iron logic of divisibility. So which is it? Is there a hidden order beneath the apparent chaos of the primes, or not?
The first crack of light came from Gauss, who as a boy of fifteen, idly studying tables of primes, noticed that although you cannot predict where the next prime will fall, you can predict, with remarkable accuracy, how many primes there are up to any given point — that the primes thin out as you climb, but they thin out according to a smooth and simple law, becoming on average ever rarer in proportion to the natural logarithm of the numbers.2 This was the first deep order found in the primes: on average, in the large, they are beautifully regular, and the law Gauss glimpsed as a boy — eventually proved a century later, using the machinery of the complex numbers — is now called the Prime Number Theorem. But an average is a smooth curve, and the true count of primes is a jagged staircase that jumps by one at each prime and is flat between. The staircase stays close to Gauss's smooth curve, but it wobbles around it, now a little ahead, now a little behind. And the entire mystery of the primes, the deepest unsolved question in all of mathematics, lives in the exact size and shape of that wobble.
III. Riemann's hidden line§
In 1859 the question found its master, in the form of an eight-page paper by Bernhard Riemann — the same Riemann whose strange curved geometry would, half a century later, become Einstein's gravity, here turning his vast mind to the primes in the only paper he ever wrote on the subject.3 Riemann took a certain function — an infinite sum, extended by a daring leap into the world of complex numbers — and discovered something astonishing: that the wobble of the primes around Gauss's smooth curve is controlled, exactly and completely, by the special points where this function takes the value zero. The locations of these “zeros” in the complex plane secretly govern the whole fine structure of the primes. And here Riemann's vision turns almost musical. The jagged distribution of the primes, he found, can be written as Gauss's smooth average plus a sum of waves — pure oscillations, rising and falling — with one wave contributed by each of his zeros, and the position of each zero fixing the pitch and the loudness of its wave, precisely as a struck chord is the sum of its separate tones. The primes have a hidden music, and each zero sounds one note in it.
Riemann then noticed that all the zeros he could compute lay, with eerie precision, along a single straight vertical line in the complex plane, and he conjectured — almost in passing, calling it merely probable and moving on — that every last one of them does. This is the Riemann Hypothesis, and in the language of the music it is the claim that the primes' melody is in perfect harmony: that no single wave ever swells out of proportion to drown the rest, that the wobble of the primes is as small and as controlled as it could possibly be. Were even one zero to stray off that line, one wave would grow without limit, and the primes would be wilder and more erratic than the hypothesis permits. Riemann could not prove his conjecture. Nor could anyone after him. For more than a century and a half it has stood, the most famous and most coveted unsolved problem in mathematics, defeating every weapon brought against it.
IV. Why it matters, and why no one knows§
It would be hard to overstate how much rides on the answer. Over the decades, mathematicians have proved a vast number of further results — hundreds upon hundreds of theorems across number theory and beyond — that all begin with the same cautious phrase: assuming the Riemann Hypothesis is true. An entire district of the cathedral has been built on the supposition that Riemann was right, its theorems standing or falling together on a foundation no one has yet been able to secure.4 The hypothesis has been checked by computer for many trillions of the zeros, and every single one has fallen precisely on Riemann's line — which sounds like overwhelming evidence, until you remember that this is mathematics, where a pattern holding for trillions of cases proves exactly nothing, and where there are notorious examples of regularities in the primes that persist out to numbers more vast than the atoms in the universe and then, finally, fail. Numerical confirmation, however staggering, is not proof, and the question remains genuinely, completely open: no one on Earth knows whether the Riemann Hypothesis is true.
There is one more thread here that I cannot resist showing you, though I must flag it firmly as a tantalizing hint rather than an established fact. In 1972, a chance conversation revealed that the statistical pattern in the spacing of Riemann's zeros — how they cluster and repel along the line — appears to be identical to the statistical pattern in the energy levels of certain quantum systems, the same mathematics that describes the trembling of heavy atomic nuclei.5 No one knows why. It has raised the spellbinding possibility, still entirely unproven, that the zeros are not just abstract points but the natural frequencies of some hidden physical system — that buried beneath the prime numbers there lies a kind of quantum drum, and that the order of the primes is the sound of it ringing. If that connection is ever made rigorous, it may be the road by which the hypothesis is finally proved. Or it may be a mirage. At present it is one of the most beautiful and mysterious hints in all of mathematics, and a perfect emblem of the frontier: a place where number theory and quantum physics seem to be whispering to each other across a wall, in a language no one has yet learned to read.
V. Easy to check, hard to solve?§
The second great open question takes us back to the machines of the last chapter, and it begins with an observation so obvious it seems beneath notice. Consider a completed puzzle — a finished sudoku grid, say, or an assembled thousand-piece jigsaw. To check whether it is correct is the work of a moment: you run your eye across the rows and columns, confirm that every piece fits its neighbours, and you are done. But to produce that solution in the first place, from a blank grid or a heap of loose pieces, can cost hours of grinding effort. Checking is easy; solving is hard. This gap — between the ease of recognizing a correct answer and the labour of finding one — feels like one of the most basic facts of life. The question known as P versus NP asks the genuinely startling thing: is that gap actually real?6
Stated with a little more care, the question concerns two families of problems. The first family contains the problems a computer can solve quickly. The second, larger-seeming family contains the problems whose proposed solutions a computer can check quickly — problems where, if someone hands you a candidate answer, you can rapidly verify whether it is right, even if finding it would have been hard. Plainly, anything you can solve quickly you can also check quickly, so the first family sits inside the second. The trillion-dollar question is whether the two families are secretly the very same — whether every problem whose solutions can be quickly checked can also, by some clever method nobody has yet discovered, be quickly solved. Is finding fundamentally harder than recognizing, or is the apparent difference an illusion that a sufficiently ingenious algorithm would dissolve? Almost every mathematician and computer scientist believes the gap is real — that finding genuinely is harder than checking. But, in one of the great scandals of modern mathematics, no one has been able to prove it.
VI. The question hiding inside every lock§
This might sound like a narrow technicality. It is anything but, and the reasons reach into both the practical and the philosophical. On the practical side, it turns out that thousands of the hardest and most valuable problems in the world — scheduling airline crews, packing cargo, designing chips, planning delivery routes, the notorious puzzle of the travelling salesman seeking the shortest loop through many cities — are all, despite their surface differences, secretly the same problem in disguise, so tightly linked that a fast method for solving any one of them would instantly yield a fast method for all.7 If the two families turned out to be the same — if finding were no harder than checking — then all of these problems would suddenly become easy, and much of the friction would drop out of logistics, engineering, and science at a single stroke. But the same fact has a darker edge, and it ties directly back to the locks that guard the modern world. The cryptography of the previous chapter rests entirely on certain problems being hard to solve but easy to check — easy to verify a key, ruinously hard to find one. If finding were secretly no harder than checking, those locks could in principle all be picked, and the secrecy that the digital age depends upon would dissolve. The abstract question of whether solving is harder than checking is, when you follow it down, the question of whether our secrets can be kept at all.
And beneath even that lies something deeper, almost philosophical. To check a solution is a mechanical act; to find one, in the hard cases, seems to demand insight, imagination, the creative leap. The question of whether finding is harder than checking is therefore, at bottom, a question about whether creativity is real — whether there is a genuine, unbridgeable gap between the labour of having an idea and the ease of recognizing a good one once it is in front of you.8 If the two families were the same, then in a precise sense the creative leap would be unnecessary — every problem whose answer we could appreciate, we could also mechanically find, and the spark of insight would reduce to mere fast searching. That almost no one believes this is so — that we are nearly certain finding is harder than checking — is, in a way, mathematics' own quiet testimony that creativity is not an illusion. We simply cannot yet prove what we are so sure of, which connects this problem, fittingly, to the limits of knowledge we traced earlier in this final movement.
VII. The problems that fall§
It would be a melancholy chapter that ended only with riddles no one can solve, and it would also be a false one, because the great lesson of the frontier is not that the problems are hopeless but that the cathedral really does get built, stone by patient stone, even if a single stone sometimes takes centuries to set. The most stirring example of the modern age is a problem scrawled in a book margin around 1637 by the French jurist and amateur mathematician Pierre de Fermat, who claimed, of a certain elegant statement about whole numbers, to have found a truly marvellous proof which the margin was too narrow to contain.9 Whatever Fermat thought he had, it was lost, and his casual claim went on to defeat the greatest mathematicians on Earth for three hundred and fifty-eight years. Then, in the early 1990s, an English mathematician named Andrew Wiles, who had been haunted by the problem since he was a boy of ten, retreated into seven years of nearly secret labour and, after one heart-stopping gap in the argument was found and painstakingly repaired, finally proved it. A margin note that had stood unanswered since before the telescope was at last laid to rest. The cathedral had gained a spire that ten generations had failed to raise.
The frontier is crowded with other such problems, some of them so simple to state that a child can understand the question and so hard to answer that they have humbled every mathematician who has tried.10 No one knows whether there are infinitely many pairs of primes that sit just two apart, like 11 and 13, or 17 and 19 — though in the last decade a previously unknown mathematician stunned the world by proving the first great partial result, cracking open a problem that had not budged in a century. No one can prove the centuries-old guess that every even number is the sum of two primes, though it has been checked past all imagining. And there is a notorious little puzzle, stated in a single sentence about repeatedly halving or tripling a number, that is so resistant to every method that one of the greatest problem-solvers of the twentieth century remarked that mathematics is simply not yet ready for such problems. These are not dusty curiosities. They are live questions, worked on right now by living people, at the dark edge of the known — the unfinished surface of the cathedral, where the next stones will go.
VIII. The unfinished cathedral§
Stand back, then, and see the whole structure for what it is: not a finished monument to be filed away, but the great unfinished cathedral of human thought — begun before history with a scratch on a bone, raised across ten thousand years by countless hands, added to faster today than in any age before, and still, after all of it, open to the sky. Its grandest spaces remain unroofed. The deepest order of the prime numbers, written in a music we can hear but not yet read; the boundary between the problems we can solve and the problems we can only check; these and a hundred others stand open above us, and somewhere right now a person is sitting alone with one of them in the dark, reaching for a stone that no one before has been able to lift.
This is not a flaw in mathematics. It is the very life of it. We learned, in the chapter on the limits of knowledge, that Gödel guaranteed this incompleteness can never end — that there will always be more truths than any finished system can hold, that the cathedral can therefore never be capped, that there is no last stone. Most human monuments are melancholy precisely because they are finished; their builders are gone, their work complete, nothing left but to preserve it. The cathedral of mathematics is the opposite, and the gladder for it: a structure that every generation gets to keep building, that grows more vast and more beautiful with each century, and that offers to anyone who learns to see it the rarest of invitations — not merely to admire the work of the dead, but to pick up a chisel and add something true to a building that will outlast us all. And notice, at the very last, what the builders themselves report. The mathematicians working at that dark frontier do not feel, on the whole, that they are inventing the stones they set; they feel, almost to a person, that they are finding them — reaching out toward shapes that are somehow already there, waiting in the dark to be discovered. Whether they are right is the question we could not finally answer, and may never. But the conviction is nearly universal among those who have gone furthest in, and it is worth carrying with us into the last chapter, where we ask the only question left: how any of us — how you — might learn to see this hidden country for ourselves.
Sources
- The Clay Mathematics Institute announced seven Millennium Prize Problems in 2000, each carrying a US$1 million award: the Riemann Hypothesis, P versus NP, the Hodge conjecture, the Yang–Mills existence and mass gap, the Navier–Stokes existence and smoothness problem, the Birch and Swinnerton-Dyer conjecture, and the Poincaré conjecture. Only the last has been solved (by G. Perelman, who declined the prize). See K. Devlin, The Millennium Problems (Basic Books, 2002). [secondary] ↩
- The Prime Number Theorem — that the number of primes up to a value behaves asymptotically like that value divided by its natural logarithm — was conjectured from numerical evidence by the young C. F. Gauss (c. 1792–93) and by A.-M. Legendre, and proved independently in 1896 by J. Hadamard and C.-J. de la Vallée Poussin using complex analysis. See G. H. Hardy and E. M. Wright, An Introduction to the Theory of Numbers, 6th ed. (Oxford University Press, 2008). [primary / secondary] ↩
- B. Riemann, “Über die Anzahl der Primzahlen unter einer gegebenen Größe” (“On the Number of Primes Less Than a Given Magnitude,” 1859), his only paper in number theory, introduced the analytic continuation of the zeta function and the “explicit formula” relating the distribution of primes to the function's zeros, each of which contributes an oscillating term. The musical analogy is developed in M. du Sautoy, The Music of the Primes (HarperCollins, 2003). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Many theorems in number theory are proved conditionally on the Riemann Hypothesis. It has been numerically verified for many trillions of zeros, all lying on the critical line, but numerical evidence is not proof: J. E. Littlewood (1914) showed that the prime-counting error term changes sign infinitely often despite holding one way for all computed cases (the first crossover, “Skewes' number,” being enormous), and the Mertens conjecture, long supported by computation, was disproved in 1985. See H. M. Edwards, Riemann's Zeta Function (Academic Press, 1974). [secondary] ↩
- Suggestive, unproven connection. In 1972 H. Montgomery's work on the pair correlation of the zeta zeros was recognized by F. Dyson to match the eigenvalue statistics of random Hermitian matrices (the Gaussian Unitary Ensemble), which also describe energy levels in quantum chaotic systems and heavy nuclei. This Montgomery–Odlyzko phenomenon, and the related Hilbert–Pólya idea that the zeros might be eigenvalues of some self-adjoint operator, hint at a deep link between the primes and quantum physics but remain conjectural. See du Sautoy, The Music of the Primes, and A. M. Odlyzko's numerical studies. [primary / secondary] ↩
- The P versus NP problem — whether every problem whose solutions can be verified in polynomial time can also be solved in polynomial time — was formulated by S. Cook (“The Complexity of Theorem-Proving Procedures,” 1971) and, independently, L. Levin. It is widely conjectured that P ≠ NP. See M. Sipser, Introduction to the Theory of Computation, 3rd ed. (Cengage, 2013). [primary / secondary] ↩
- A large class of important problems are “NP-complete” (Cook–Levin theorem; R. Karp's 1972 list of 21 such problems), meaning a polynomial-time solution to any one would yield one for all of them; the travelling salesman problem and Boolean satisfiability are standard examples. Modern public-key cryptography depends on the presumed hardness of such problems (more precisely, on the existence of one-way functions, which requires P ≠ NP). See Sipser, Introduction to the Theory of Computation. [secondary] ↩
- On the interpretation of P versus NP as bearing on the nature of creativity — the gap between generating a solution and recognizing one — see S. Aaronson, “Why Philosophers Should Care About Computational Complexity” (2011), and his Quantum Computing Since Democritus (Cambridge University Press, 2013). [secondary] ↩
- Fermat's Last Theorem — that no positive integers satisfy aⁿ + bⁿ = cⁿ for any integer n greater than 2 — was noted by P. de Fermat c. 1637 in the margin of his copy of Diophantus, with the famous claim of a proof too large for the margin. It was proved by A. Wiles (with a key step completed jointly with R. Taylor), announced 1993, completed 1994, and published in 1995, via the modularity of semistable elliptic curves. See S. Singh, Fermat's Enigma (Walker, 1997). [primary / secondary] ↩
- Among famous easily-stated open problems: the twin prime conjecture (infinitely many primes differing by 2), on which Y. Zhang achieved a historic first bounded-gap result in 2013, later sharpened by J. Maynard and others; Goldbach's conjecture (every even integer greater than 2 is a sum of two primes, posed 1742); and the Collatz (“3n + 1”) conjecture, of which P. Erdős remarked that mathematics may not be ready for such problems. See the relevant entries in R. K. Guy, Unsolved Problems in Number Theory, 3rd ed. (Springer, 2004). [secondary] ↩
How to See It
The only question left — how any of us, and especially anyone who was ever told they could not, might learn to actually see the hidden country this whole book has been pointing at — and a return, at the very end, to the first mark of all
I. The locked door§
We have come a long way together, and before we part I want to set the grand sweep aside and speak to you plainly, because there is one question left that matters more than any other, and it is not about mathematics at all. It is about you. For most people, mathematics is a locked door. They were marched up to it as children — a grim corridor of rules to memorize, drills to endure, sums marked in red ink — and somewhere in that corridor they received a verdict, spoken or merely absorbed: that they were not, and would never be, a person who could do this. They walked away believing that mathematics is cold, mechanical, joyless, and emphatically not for them. If you are one of those people — and most people are — then this final chapter is written for you above all the others.
Because everything in the seventeen chapters behind us has been a quiet argument that the verdict was wrong, and that behind the locked door is not a colder room but a warmer one — a living country of staggering beauty and bottomless mystery, the same country the greatest minds in this book gave their lives to explore. The procedures that were drilled into you were never the thing itself; they were the turnstile at the entrance, and far too many people spent years jammed in the turnstile and concluded that the turnstile was all there was. So the last question of this book is the most practical one it can ask: how do you get through the door? How does a person come to see what this book has been pointing at the whole time — and is it truly open to anyone, or only to a gifted few? I believe the door is open, that it was never really locked, and that the key is smaller and nearer to hand than you have been led to think. Let me try, in these last pages, to put it in your hand.
II. The thing they forgot to teach§
The heart of the trouble is a confusion so common that we scarcely notice it: we have mistaken the grinding for the seeing. School mathematics is, overwhelmingly, the teaching of procedures — the steps to solve for the unknown, the rules to differentiate a function, the algorithm to divide one long number by another — performed over and over until they can be reproduced on demand under the threat of a grade. And procedures are real, and they matter; they are the equipment without which you cannot climb very high. But they are the equipment, not the summit; the means, not the meaning. To teach mathematics as nothing but its procedures is like teaching music by drilling someone for years in the reading of sheet notation — the names of the notes, the rules of the clef, the counting of the beats — while never once letting them hear a song.1 Imagine being put through that, graded harshly on your scales, and never told that any of it was in the service of music at all. You too would conclude you hated music and had no ear for it, when in truth no one had ever let you hear the thing the drudgery was for.
For mathematics is not, at its heart, about calculation, any more than literature is about spelling or music is about the reading of notation. It is about seeing — about perceiving order where there seemed to be chaos, structure beneath surface, the sudden unexpected bridge between two things that looked unrelated, the hidden reason a thing must be so. That perception of pattern and connection and necessity, and the strange, quiet beauty that comes with it, is the entire point, and it is the thing that the great mathematicians of this book were chasing all along.2 The tragedy of how the subject is usually taught is not that the procedures are wrong but that the seeing is left out — that millions of people are handed the equipment, graded on their handling of it, and sent away having never once been shown the view it was meant to reach. They think they have seen mathematics and been found wanting. They have seen only the turnstile.
III. The man who saw§
To feel what it means to say that mathematics is seen rather than ground out, consider the most astonishing example the subject has ever produced. In 1887, in a poor family in southern India, a boy named Srinivasa Ramanujan was born who would come to embody mathematical vision in its purest and most mysterious form. He had almost no formal training; his entire higher education came from a single second-hand book of bare results, which he absorbed and then went far, far beyond, alone.3 Working as a humble shipping clerk, he filled notebook after notebook with thousands of mathematical formulas of breathtaking depth and strangeness — results that he did not laboriously prove so much as simply see, arriving in his mind whole and complete, as though read off some inner page. He himself said that a family goddess revealed them to him in dreams. Whatever the truth of that, the formulas were real, and many of them were decades ahead of anything known.
In 1913 he posted a sample of them, in a now-legendary letter, to the eminent Cambridge mathematician G. H. Hardy — the same Hardy of the useless jewels, whom we have met before. Hardy, leafing through page after page of impossible-looking results from an unknown Indian clerk, found that some he recognized, some he could prove only with great effort, and some defeated him utterly; and of the strangest he concluded that they simply had to be true, because no one could have possessed the imagination to invent them.4 He brought Ramanujan to England, where the two formed one of the great partnerships in the history of mathematics before illness sent Ramanujan home to die, in 1920, at the age of just thirty-two — his notebooks still pouring out results that mathematicians are mining to this day, some of which have turned out, a century on, to describe the physics of black holes. Ramanujan is the extreme case that reveals the underlying truth: that mathematics, at its deepest, is a thing perceived — a landscape genuinely there to be looked at, which he could somehow see in broad daylight while the rest of us feel our way toward it in the dark. He is not a model anyone can copy. He is a window through which we can see what mathematics fundamentally is.
IV. The myth of the math brain§
But Ramanujan, precisely because he is so dazzling, can feed a myth that I now want to take apart, because it is the single greatest obstacle standing between ordinary people and the door. It is the belief that mathematical ability is an innate and fixed endowment — that there are “math people,” born with a special organ the rest of us lack, and that you either have it or you do not. Notice that even Hardy, who knew genius from the inside, did not see ability as a switch that is either on or off; he ranked mathematicians on a long sliding scale, placing himself far down it and Ramanujan at the very top — a difference of degree, a spectrum, not a wall with the blessed on one side and the barred on the other.5
And the flat division of humanity into those who can and those who cannot is, the evidence increasingly suggests, simply false — and worse than false, destructive.6 The overwhelming majority of people who are certain they “cannot do math” were not born unable; they were failed somewhere along the corridor — by a gap in the foundations that was never filled and so made everything after it collapse, by anxiety that turned every test into a threat, by a teacher who confused speed with understanding, and above all by the myth itself, which hands a child a ready-made excuse to stop trying the moment things grow hard. Let me be honest, in the manner this whole book has tried to be, and not sell you a comfortable lie: mathematics does take real work, some people do find it easier than others, and learning to see will not, by itself, make you a Ramanujan, any more than learning to love music will make you Mozart. But the seeing — the wonder, the perception of beauty and order, the genuine understanding this book has been about — is not the rare gift the myth pretends. It is a way of looking, and a way of looking can be learned, by almost anyone, at almost any age. The door was never bolted. It was only painted to look like a wall.
V. How to actually see§
How, then, does one actually begin to see? Not, I think, through any particular curriculum, but through a handful of changes in how you approach the thing — a way of looking rather than a syllabus. The first and most important is to always, relentlessly, ask why. Never accept a rule as a brute fact to be obeyed; refuse to move on until you can see why it could not have been otherwise, because the seeing lives entirely in the why, and a rule understood is a different creature altogether from a rule memorized. The second is to give yourself permission to be slow. Mathematical understanding has nothing to do with speed — the cult of the quick answer is one of the cruellest lies of the classroom — and the deepest seeing very often comes only after sitting with something, baffled, for a long while, until without warning it clicks into place and becomes obvious forever.
The third is to follow your delight rather than your duty: the particular corners that catch your curiosity — a pattern, a puzzle, a shape, a paradox from one of these chapters — are not distractions from the path, they are the path, the doorways through which you personally can enter. The fourth is to stop fearing confusion, and learn to read it correctly: confusion is not the feeling of failing at mathematics, it is the feeling of doing mathematics, the sensation of a mind in the act of understanding something it does not yet understand, and every mathematician who has ever lived has spent the great bulk of their time lost in exactly that fog. And the fifth is to connect it to what you already love — for the mathematics is hiding inside your music and your knitting and your woodworking and your games and your garden, and the surest way in is through the door you are already standing at. None of this requires a gift. It requires only curiosity, patience, and the willingness to be a beginner — and it is, I promise you, never too late to start.
VI. What you would see§
And what would it give you, this seeing, if you went to the trouble of cultivating it? It would, quite literally, change the world in front of your eyes — not by altering the world, but by revealing a hidden layer of it that was always present and always invisible to you. You would begin to notice the same spiral coiled in the shell on the beach and in the seed-head of the sunflower, and to know that it is no coincidence but a number making itself visible. You would see the symmetry in the snowflake and feel, behind it, the law it obeys. You would recognize the same curve of runaway growth in a spreading rumour, a sum of compound interest, and a colony of cells, and the same gentle curve of decay in a cooling cup of coffee and a fading sound. You would catch the quiet workings of probability behind the day's small gambles, and sense the infinite folded into the crinkled edge of a coastline.
Mathematics, once you can see it, stops being a subject and becomes a sense — a way of perceiving, like sight or hearing, that opens a whole dimension of the world that other senses cannot reach. The universe acquires a depth and an order and a strange rightness it did not seem to have before, because you have learned to perceive the deep structure that was underneath the surface all along. This is the true reward, and it is not the ability to calculate — calculators calculate. It is the ability to look at the world and see the architecture beneath it; to walk through ordinary life and catch, again and again, the hidden order glinting through. That is what every room in this book has been quietly offering you: not facts to know, but eyes to see with.
VII. The oldest language§
There is a reason this book carries the subtitle it does, and we have arrived at last at the place where I can say what it means. Mathematics is the oldest language — older than any tongue now spoken, older than writing, reaching back to before history began. And it is a language in the deepest sense: a system for saying true things about the world, with its own grammar and vocabulary, its own poetry and its own untranslatable beauties. But it is a stranger and grander language than any other, for two reasons. The first is that it is the only language we possess that can speak with precision about the very deepest structure of reality — about infinity and symmetry and the curvature of space and the limits of knowledge, things that ordinary words can only gesture at. The second is more astonishing still: it appears to be the language in which the universe itself is written, the one tongue that nature seems to understand and answer in, so that when we frame our questions to the cosmos in mathematics, the cosmos, uncannily, replies.7
To learn to see mathematics, then, is to learn to read the oldest language — the language in which, as far as anyone can tell, the deepest truths of existence are inscribed. And here, at the very end, the great question of this book gives up the last of itself, gently. We spent a whole chapter unable to decide whether we invented this language or discovered it, and we will not decide it now. But notice that it scarcely matters to the thing that counts. Whether mathematics is a language we built to fit a structured world, or a structure we found and learned to read, to come to see it is, either way, to be let into the deepest and longest conversation our species has ever held — a conversation that runs unbroken from a mark on a bone to the edge of the prime numbers, carried forward by every person who ever stopped, and looked, and saw the order shining through. It is a conversation with reality itself, and with every mind across forty thousand years that ever joined it. And it is still going on. And there is a place in it for you.
VIII. The first mark§
So we end where we began. Tens of thousands of years ago, somewhere in the long human dark, a person took a sharpened stone and cut a row of notches into a length of bone — one notch for one thing, a count held outside a head for the first time — and without the faintest idea of what they were doing, made the first mark of the oldest language.8 We have followed that single scratch across this entire book. We watched it become the tally and the number, the axiom and the equation, the unknown made visible and the widening of number; we watched it catch the flow of motion and tame the arithmetic of chance; we watched it open into shapes that numbers cannot hold and the curvature of space and the symmetry beneath the world; we watched it reach the relations that may be all there is, and the sizes of forever, and the very edges of what can be known; and we watched it build the machine that thinks and stand, at last, before the questions no one has yet answered. All of it — all of it — grew from that first deliberate cut in the bone, the first time a human being made a piece of the world's order hold still where it could be looked at.
That mark was the first word of a language that is still, today, being written — written this very moment at a thousand quiet desks by people reaching into the dark for truths that no one has yet seen, and waiting, with endless patience, to be read by anyone who is willing to learn to look. I am not a mathematician, and I never became one; I am only someone who discovered, late and slowly and with a great deal of stumbling, that the door I had been told was a wall stood open all along — and who could not bear not to hold it open for you. The notches are still there on the ancient bone, and the marks are here on this page, and the line that runs between them, across all those thousands of years, has never once been broken. It runs now to you, holding this book. The oldest language is waiting. Pick up the chisel; the next mark is yours to make.
Sources
- The argument that conventional mathematics education teaches procedure while omitting the art and beauty of the subject — likened to forcing students to study musical notation without ever hearing music — is made memorably in P. Lockhart, “A Mathematician's Lament” (2002; Bellevue Literary Press, 2009). [secondary] ↩
- On mathematical beauty — the perception of pattern, structure, and unexpected connection — as the true heart of the subject and the deepest motive of those who practice it, see G. H. Hardy, A Mathematician's Apology (Cambridge University Press, 1940). [primary] ↩
- Srinivasa Ramanujan (1887–1920) was largely self-taught, his formative source being G. S. Carr's Synopsis of Elementary Results in Pure and Applied Mathematics; he worked as a clerk at the Madras Port Trust while filling notebooks with thousands of original results, which he attributed to the goddess Namagiri. See R. Kanigel, The Man Who Knew Infinity (Scribner, 1991). [secondary] ↩
- Ramanujan's 1913 letter to G. H. Hardy presented some 120 results; Hardy famously judged that the most extraordinary among them “must be true, because, if they were not, no one would have had the imagination to invent them.” Hardy's account is in his Ramanujan: Twelve Lectures (Cambridge University Press, 1940); see also Kanigel, The Man Who Knew Infinity. [primary / secondary] ↩
- Ramanujan came to Cambridge in 1914, was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1918, and died in 1920 at thirty-two; his “lost notebook” and mock theta functions continue to yield results, some bearing on modern physics (e.g., black-hole entropy). Hardy's personal scale of mathematical ability — on which he rated himself 25, his collaborator Littlewood 30, Hilbert 80, and Ramanujan 100 — treats talent as a continuum, not a binary. See Kanigel, The Man Who Knew Infinity, and Hardy, A Mathematician's Apology. [primary / secondary] ↩
- On the falsity and harm of the “math gene” or fixed-ability view, and evidence that mathematical achievement is strongly shaped by instruction, practice, and belief rather than fixed innate endowment, see J. Boaler, Mathematical Mindsets (Jossey-Bass, 2016), and the research on growth mindset summarized in C. Dweck, Mindset (Random House, 2006). These works support that the seeing is broadly learnable while not claiming identical potential for all. [secondary] ↩
- The view that the natural world is written in the language of mathematics is stated by Galileo Galilei in Il Saggiatore (The Assayer, 1623): the book of the universe “is written in the language of mathematics.” The uncanny effectiveness of that language in describing physical reality is the theme of E. Wigner's 1960 essay discussed earlier in this book. [primary / secondary] ↩
- The earliest known tally marks — notches cut into bone, apparently to record counts — include the Lebombo bone (southern Africa, perhaps 40,000–43,000 years old) and the Ishango bone (central Africa, c. 20,000 years old), discussed in this book's opening chapter. See G. Ifrah, The Universal History of Numbers (Wiley, 2000). [secondary] ↩